(Courtesy Colombo TelegraphApril 7, 2012 ). By Rajiva Wijesinha I was delighted to have (also) been attacked in an article in ‘Ceylon
Today’ that basically attempted to say that what it termed the
monumental loss at Geneva was largely due to Dayan Jayatilleka (and, in
parenthesis as it were, to me). It is suggested that what the writer, Ms
Bastians, calls a Rottweiller approach, alienated the West, and that is
why we have been persecuted by the US and other countries. But, since
much of the article is a personal attack on Dr Jayatilleka, building up
the case that was set in motion with a missive from the Ministry of
External Affairs alleging corruption etc, it is obvious that this is
part of the brilliant technique of the fellow travelers in the Ministry
to ignore the real problems about Geneva and get on with their task of
getting rid of all our able emissaries.
Ms Bastians, I gather, is the wife of Gehan Indragupta who is in the
Ministry, in Colombo at present, a batchmate of George Cook, one of the
principal plotters against Dr Jayatilleka. George, who is unmarried, was
permitted to move into an unfurnished apartment at a monthly rental of
Euro 3280/-. One of the charges against Dayan is that he permitted Mr
Razee, also a Second Secretary at the Mission like George, to stay for a
long time in a hotel. The reason for this is that he was given a much
lower rent ceiling and, even when this was subsequently increased to
Euro 2500/-, finding a furnished apartment, which was specified, was not
easy.
George however is a lucky soul, one of those plump Burgher boys whom
motherly teachers at nursery school adored. Though not very bright, they
would win prizes for elocution, and I recall George acting as Master of
Ceremonies at various functions during Mr Bogollagama’s tenure. I
suspect he was the person who advised Mr Bogollagama that the G15 was
not of the slightest importance, for when the President was offered the
Chairmanship of this body, he said that the Foreign Minister had told
him not to take it up because it did not contain countries of
importance. I should note though that, when I told the Foreign Minister
that it included countries such as India and Brazil, he ignored the
advice of the Ministry professionals and persuaded the President to take
up the position. That it was not made use of subsequently is well known
by diplomats in Geneva, and also the reasons for this – as one Indian
journalist told me, the problem was that, after Dayan left, instead of
asking friends for advice and assistance, we would only ask them for
their votes.
So much for the professionalism of the Foreign Office. That,
doubtless, is why they – as exemplified by Ms Bastians – are also
attacking Tamara Kunanayagam, who was grossly ill-treated in Geneva. I
was asked why this was so by two Westerners, who appreciated the
forthrightness with which she spoke, and her sheer professionalism. They
could not understand why she had been sidelined, but the mandarins who
ill-treated her will claim to the President that it was all her fault.
But there is a more serious element to all this. While I was in
Geneva I was told that Douglas Devananda had nearly been sent home early
on the grounds that he was going to be arrested. He himself thought
that Mahinda Samarasinghe was responsible for this, but though Mahinda
maybe gullible, I do not think he is devious. It was rather Foreign
Ministry personnel who went to pick up Douglas’ baggage, and were
fortunately stopped by the Ambassador. Meanwhile Douglas had been told
that it was dangerous for him to stay, while the President was told that
Douglas was nervous and wanted to leave.
I was worried by this, and that made me think back to what in my view
started the rot, as far as Sri Lanka is concerned, namely the ill
advised visit of the President to England in late 2010 to address the
Oxford Union. Those of us who have actually been at Oxford know that one
should never take the Union seriously, wonderful place though it is,
and I was surprised that, having spoken there once, the President wanted
to go there again. He was advised against this by the Deputy High
Commissioner in London at the time, the marvelously efficient and able
Mr Amza, and also – in writing – by the High Commissioner, Nihal
Jayasinghe. I have been told by very loyal Sri Lankans living in London
how they told Mr Jayasinghe about their qualms, and how he was at first
nervous to warn against the visit, given the hype in Sri Lanka, but that
he finally did so.
The recommendation that the visit go ahead was made by Kshenuka
Seneviratne, the former High Commissioner in London, who actually
accompanied the President on the visit. He was under the impression that
the visit had been recommended by Bell Pottinger, but those
professionals had also advised against it, and been ignored.
Until I heard what happened in Geneva, I was under the impression
that the whole business had been a colossal misjudgment on Ms
Seneviratne’s part. But then I thought of the moment when we appeared
most weak, which was when General Gallage – a totally proper and
efficient officer against whom there is no major allegation, even a
trumped up one – was hurried out of the country. He did not want to
leave, but the President was persuaded that he was in danger – and when
he left it was trumpeted around that he had fled out of fear.
I believe then that we are dealing with an extremely grave situation
where, if the President is not careful, he will be destroyed by those
who care nothing for him or his policies. While writing this I was sent
an article in the Sri Lanka Guardian claiming that Ms Seneviratne had
given a contract while she was in Geneva to an LTTE leader, to restore
the ambassador’s house. I have been rung also by both Sinhala and Tamil
friends in England to warn me about Josephine, as they call her – it
took me a moment or two to work that one out – claiming that she is in
the pocket of the LTTE.
That need not be true. I am reminded of what Mahinda Samarasinghe
said, rather wittily, when I said very firmly, when we were trying to
deal with Radhika Coomaraswamy’s excesses and someone claimed she had
ulterior motives, that Radhika was not pro-LTTE: no, said the Minister,
she is just pro-Radhika. Radhika however would never promote the LTTE
knowingly, even though she might not quite understand – as sadly even
Bob Blake does not – how a seemingly innocuous agenda can play into
terrorist hands. Ms Seneviratne however may have no such qualms, and may
not be able to distinguish. Certainly, had Douglas left Geneva, the
publicity would have been as appalling as what we suffered after the
Oxford fiasco – and such publicity leads to enhanced funding for the
Tiger rump.
What then is the game plan now? I believe several irons are in the
fire, but the most important is to get rid of the truly professional and
patriotic Secretary to the Ministry, Mr Amunugama, so that Ms
Seneviratne can step into his shoes. This is confidently predicted by
members of her staff, the husband of the sweet young Priyanga
Wickramasinghe having assured me some time ago that this would happen
soon, or that Priyanga at least believed this. Such too seems to be the
view of the groupies in Geneva and Paris who are busily undermining
their ambassadors, from the IT officer in Paris from whose IP address a
scurrilous email about Dayan had been sent to the Ministry to the more
senior officer in Geneva who falsely used the ambassador’s name in a way
that nearly upset relations with our good friends.
Secondly, there is a concerted attempt to remove the most efficient
and loyal non-career diplomats we have, Dayan in Paris, Tamara in
Geneva, Asitha Perera in Rome, Palitha Kohona in New York, and later I
believe even Sarath Kongahage in Berlin and Chris Nonis in London. The
task of the last has now been made more difficult by the transfer, not
only of Mr Amza (with regard to whom bad blood was created from the
start by the plotters) but also Mr Pathmanathan, so that there is no
senior speaker of Tamil in London. It is possible that the targeting of
Mr Razee in Paris is for a similar reason, while in Chennai the very
capable Tamil speaking High Commissioners we had, Amza and then Mr
Krishnamoorthy, are being followed by a Sinhalese. Of course he may be
very good, but no effort was made, though Mr Krishnamoorthy kept asking,
for greater engagement with Tamilnadu. When I visited, I was told by
the very distinguished academics and journalists I met that they now
understood the situation better, and wished there had been previous
visits like this. Needless to say the books I had taken to Delhi
responding to the Darusman Report had not been sent down to Chennai.
Which brings me to the attack on me, the perpetuation of what
essentially has been claimed only by the fellow travelers of the
Ministry – not the many very capable concerned diplomats I have worked
with, who are belittled on the grounds that their English is not perfect
– that I upset the West. That is complete nonsense, though it is true
that Patricia Butenis is cross with me at present, because I revealed
publicly what Paul Carter – whom many members of the international
community also find strange – had been up to. The point is, they all
know where they stand with me and, though I am very hard on unfair
criticism, in many respects we share similar ideals about strengthening
the Human Rights regime and promoting Reconciliation and Pluralism.
Interestingly, the claim that Dayan’s attitude and mine led to
Western hostility is belied by the fact that the British first
introduced a motion against us in Geneva in 2006 – when Sarala Fernando,
a career diplomat, was there, and when Ms Seneviratne in London was
convincing Colombo if not herself that the British were favourable
towards us. It was of Sarala that I first heard a canine metaphor, when
Philip Alston claimed that she had come at him like a bulldog (for
reasons I sympathized with, though I would obviously have been much
gentler as well as much sharper – which is why Alston’s successor has
told a student of his that, had he to find someone to defend him in
court, he would choose me). That, Alston claimed, is why he had been so
hostile to Sri Lanka subsequently, another instance I feel in which
manoevering by unscrupulous forces – not Sarala, who simply reacted –
won the day.
Conversely, those I suspect Ms Bastians and her associates in the
Ministry would see as poodles as far as the West is concerned simply
have no credibility – as two influential ambassadors have claimed in
recent months about two such very gentle individuals. The point is, one
should not say what one thinks people want to hear unless one is
prepared to work hard to achieve it. That I find hardly happens with
these individuals.
Two years ago, before the 2010 election, I could not understand why
the then Swiss ambassador told me she had heard I was to be appointed
Foreign Minister. That seemed absurd, and as I said on Rupavahini, when
asked about possible executive office – before the election results were
delayed for two weeks so that those who relied on seniority and
preferences had made their claims, to the exclusion of others – what I
was interested in was Reconciliation. I have since been told that I was
actually considered for Education, but the establishment decided they
had a much more able person available. Now, with the committed and
capable Mr Dissanayake at Higher Education, the visionary Mr
Alahapperuma at Youth Affairs, and also the imaginative and efficient Mr
Grero to help in Education, that area will go from strength to
strength. Reconciliation is what I can do best, and what we have
achieved there through the Draft Policy document, as well as the
concerted efforts being made to ensure implementation of the National
Action Plan on Human Rights, which no one else could have ensured, make
it clear what I must proceed with.
But I think back to what Ruth Flint said, and realize that sometimes
the West knows what is best for us as well as the West better than we
do. A deputy position in that Ministry – for the Minister should not be
replaced given that the fiasco was no fault of his – with a brief for
Reconciliation as well as training of youngsters would perhaps help to
save the President from the intrigues that surround him. And while of
course I could not have said this publicly before, I am grateful to Ms
Bastians for having given me the opportunity – and for reminding me also
of Mangala Samaraweera telling me two years back that he held Dayan and
me responsible for the ills that beset the country, because it was the
victory at Geneva in 2009 that had contributed to the sense of impunity
he claimed the government felt. Perhaps he was right, and we must now
make up for that through a rounded and well planned programme of work.
Source: Apr 4 (Island) . The Ministry of Industry and Commerce issuing a statement yesterday gave out more details on the proposed US$ 50 billion investment planned for the development of Hambantota, with a top official saying it was no misnomer. As Sri Lanka-China trade topped US$ 2.2 billion in 2011, an international port city in Hambantota region to compete with Singapore, is proposed by a Beijing based private investment group with no less thanUS$50 billion as envisaged project value. "We are looking at a 10 year timeline for the US$ 50 billion Hambantota Trade City Project on the Public Private Partnership model. We are planning to implement it with the support of international investment and financial institutions" said Ms Song Jianhua, Chairperson of Sino-Sri Lanka Rich Investment (SSLRI) yesterday, as quoted by the ministry.
Ms Song Jianhua led the 13 member Chinese Business delegation that arrived in Colombo as part of the overall 150 Chinese business delegation for the Sri Lanka Expo 2012 organised by the Export Development Board under the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. Her delegation comprised of powerful, state-of-art technology players in fertilizer, port development, energy, petro-chemistry, cement, and machinery.
Clarifying about the US$50 billion project value, which is seen by some analysts as almost equal to Sri Lanka’s annual GDP, the resourceful Ms Jianhua responded: "The US$ 50 billion value is no misnomer. This is a private public partnership at our end and we envisage an overall investment value of US$ 50 billion over 10-15 year period and we will proceed upon approval by the government of Sri Lanka. I am happy to inform you that this is not a sole Chinese entry-in fact it is a multinational effort in which investors from Singapore, Hong Kong and US are also joining the Chinese investors as lead investors. The main Chinese investors represent manufacturing and logistic sectors. But I should stress that the project timeline will also depend on the speed of approval."
Ms Jianhua added: "There will be other investments from us after the port city is established. Members of my delegation are also keen on real estate, black tea and jewellery once we process the port city. We also have the support of international investment and financial institutions. Most importantly, I believe that our efforts will boost Sri Lanka – China trade cooperation significantly" she added.
According to the Department of Commerce of Sri Lanka under the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, the total trade between Sri Lanka and China is on an upward trend. In 2011, the total bilateral trade value topped US$ 2239.43 million with the balance of trade in favour of China. Sri Lanka’s exports to China, although still at a lower level, have increased from US$ 10.9 million in 2002 to US$ 104.06 million in 2011 which is an achievement considering the fact that only 8 Countries in Asia including Sri Lanka were able to maintain a positive Export growth to China compared with 2008.
"It is too early to give specific details of the venture at the moment since we are in the initial stages" Ms Jianhua said and added: "We had a good experience during this visit to Sri Lanka and believe the country has investment promise. We are committed to creating jobs and promote economic growth in Sri Lanka with our financial strength."
PRINCIPLES IPPF believes that having sexual rights adds to the freedom, equality and dignity of all people.
Principle 1: Sexuality is an important part of being human, whether or not a person chooses to be sexually active. Being healthy and able to express one's sexuality freely is central to every person being able to develop and participate in the economic, social, cultural and political arenas.
Principle 2: IPPF recognises that people under eighteen are rights holders. The rights and protection of people under eighteen are sometimes different to that of adults. The best interests of those under eighteen should always be protected and their evolving capacity to make decisions for themselves should be recognised.
Principle 3: IPPF believes that the basis of human rights protection and promotion and enjoyment/ fulfillment is non-discrimination. This means that no one should be treated differently or unequally because of their sexuality, sex, age or gender.
Principle 4: People should be able to enjoy their sexuality and be free to choose whether or not they want to reproduce.
Principle 5: Everyone has the right to be protected from all harm. All people under eighteen should have special protection from all forms of exploitation.
Principle 6:Sexual rights can only be limited by law in order to ensure for the goal of ensuring recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others in accordance with human rights law. The freedom to express one's sexuality should only be limited by law if it is:
-1 to protect and respect others' rights and freedoms
-2 to ensure the general public welfare in a democratic society,
-3 to protect public health and public order.
Principle 7
States have the obligation to respect, protect and fulfil sexual rights for all. The obligation to fulfill requires States to adopt appropriate measures towards the full realization of the right.
Women's Bureau of Sri Lanka established in 1978 for the advancement of Sri Lanka Women.
Mission
Improvement of living standards and empowerment of Sri Lanka Women by providing knowledge, opportunities & resources for them to utilize their full human potential and reap the benefits through ensuring their equal rights in Educational, Socio Economic, Political and Cultural spheres.
Objectives
Ensuring Equal Opportunities for Women before the Law and in the Social, Economical, Educational, Political and Cultural fields through the promotion of Equality Between women and men.
Empowerment of Women through the Promotion of women's education, health, Participation in economic activities and counseling support.
Poverty alleviation through Social Mobilization and Sustainable Micro Enterprise Development.
Safeguarding the Right of Women to protect them from Gender Based Violence.
Mainstreaming gender in all development policies and programmes
Contact Details
Sri Lanka Women’s Bureau
No. 177,
Nawala Road,
Narahenpita.
Tel : 011-2504934
E-mail : directorwb_womens@mymail.lk
The Nation / Sunday July 08th, 2007 Ice Manju wanted!
Andrahennedige Chaminda Roshan alias Ice Manju is a Sinhalese, fair in complexion and standing at 5’ 7”. Thirty-year-old Ice Manju has been a wanted man since October 29, 2005. Ice Manju is believed to have shot dead, at point blank range, Staff Officer of the Military Intelligence Corps, Colonel Tuan Rizli Meedin at Kiribathgoda.
Thirty-year-old Ice Manju has been a wanted man since October 29, 2005. Ice Manju is believed to have shot dead, at point blank range, Staff Officer of the Military Intelligence Corps, Colonel Tuan Rizli Meedin at Kiribathgoda.
He was spotted the very next day at Kantale and later on, on the Seruwila Road. Since then, Ice Manju has disappeared into LTTE-controlled Sampur, where LTTE Trincomalee Military Wing Leader Soosaipillai Joseph Anthonydas alias “Col.” Sornam, was operating from.
“Col.” Sornam was a prize catch and Col. Meedin and many others in the intelligence business were keen on getting him. The LTTE, in turn, was trying to eliminate Meedin and many other intelligence officers. In short, the Colonel and the self-styled Colonel were trying to get at each other but were using the same contact –Ice Manju, a Sinhalese.
He was playing the role of a double agent. After Meedin was killed by Ice Manju, as if to take sweet revenge, Sornam’s brother was eliminated the following year. Ever since, Sornam’s troubles have multiplied.
Ice Manju was promoted by the LTTE to the rank of “Major” and has been provided with a luxury vehicle and two body guards in the Wanni from where he operates after Sampur changed hands from the Tigers to the army on September 4, 2006.
Last year, he was located at Kurunegala by spies working for the Criminal Investigations Department (CID).
Speculation was rife this week that it was Ice Manju who was arrested while seeking medical treatment at a hospital in Kandy. But, whether this was the most wanted Ice Manju is in doubt. The suspect has been handed over to the CID and possibly the Special Branch there. Sleuths would use the latest technology and a DNA test was likely to be done to establish the identity of the suspect in custody.
Sleuths are also alive to reports that plastic surgery had been performed on at least one other person to create a look alike.
The authorities suspect the latest arrest could be a case of mistaken identity and the chances are that the mother would be traced in Dambulla in a bid to establish whether the suspect in custody is actually her son.
Who is Ice Manju?
Andrahennedige Chaminda Roshan alias Ice Manju is a Sinhalese, fair in complexion and standing at 5’ 7”. He earned the name Ice Manju from his ancestral parents at Gandara who had an Ice plant or factory (mola) deep down South.
There were many Sinhalese including the Galappathys from Gandara and other places in the South who migrated to Trincomalee where a thriving fish business was underway. Ice Manju is one of them. After his father divorced his mother, the latter who got re-married had settled in Dambulla.
Selin Kumar, another Sinhalese who had a thriving fish business had made Ice Manju his Manager. Around 2002-2003, during the UNF peace process, Ice Manju was taken to custody on alleged trumped up charges and he is learnt to have been sent to Boosa.
But, police insist that Ice Manju was an underworld gangster who was involved in criminal work. The Ice Manju who was later released became a changed man and wanted to take revenge on the Sinhalese. He was fluent in Tamil and was an ideal candidate for the LTTE which tapped him. He proved to be an asset in the hands of the LTTE.
During times of peace, Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE chief has a carved out plan of action that runs parallel to the process of peace. Often, this plan of action is ignored by many hoping to achieve the higher goal of peace.
The LTTE wanted to eliminate Tamil paramilitaries as much as possible. The Cease-fire Agreement had a clause to have Tamil paramilitaries disarmed within 30 days making them sitting ducks as we have seen. The State was getting its act together regarding intelligence gathering and the Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol (LRRP) had successfully undertaken missions previously. Hence the LTTE insisted on a clause in the CFA to stop all “activities by deep penetration units.”
But, Intelligence Officers and agents were singled out and eliminated very much during the peace process and in most cases the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission failed to rule on these killings, claiming that they did not fall within the SLMM ambit. In the case of Col. Meedin, the SLMM did rule the act a violation by the LTTE.
After, Mahinda Rajapaksa became the President with the help of the LTTE, which ensured a polls boycott of Tamils from uncleared areas, war was imminent and hence the LTTE went for the top officers of the army. The modus operandi was changed to prevent suspicion. Hence, Sinhalese civilians and military officers were tapped to do the job.
One such officer is Major Piyasiri Perera who was sentenced to death by court martial for passing on information about senior officers’ movements to the LTTE.
Meanwhile, Major Manamendra Dassanayake allegedly aided and abetted in the assassination of the Army’s No. 3, Major General Parami Kulatunga, promoted posthumously Lieutenant General. Dassanayake along with Ice Manju is learnt to have aided and abetted in eliminating Intelligence Officer Major Tuan Muthaliph who was posthumously promoted Lieutenant Colonel.
Ice Manju, a Sinhalese, with wide influence was tapped to liquidate Lt. Col. Meedin who was promoted posthumously a full Colonel.
In what appears to be a pre-meditated murder, Ice Manju silenced his victim, not after a heated argument following the consumption of alcohol, but in the course of friendly advice given by Meedin to his would-be assassin to flee the place.
Seated in the rear seat of Meedin’s car, driven by the army officer, Ice Manju said he was in serious debt and he hadn’t the money to flee to another country. Having said that, Manju pulled the trigger of his 7.62 Micro Pistol and shot his associate on Saturday night at 10:15 p.m. Meedin was taken to the National General Hospital in an unconscious state by his brother Brigadier Tuan Fardyle Meedin several hours after the shooting. He died there on Sunday morning at 1:30 a.m.
Ice Manju shot Meedin in the presence of a mutual friend Chamley who was in the front seat of his official car bearing number 19-5823. Ice Manju obviously got to know Meedin through Chamley who operated a fish business from St. John’s market. Chamley’s two brothers, Kapila and Ranga, were based in Trincomalee where they supported the business. All three brothers are now in custody.
Ice Manju who had visited Chamley’s house before he made his way to Meedin’s place had allegedly hid the micro pistol in a pedestal fan.
He was on contract by the LTTE’s Colonel Sornam to kill Meedin two months after an LTTE big shot and his three body guards were killed in Nilaweli, Trincomalee.
Meedin had been warned by his superiors to be mindful of those whom he associated with. But, the nature of his work- intelligence gathering- necessitated that he moved with people of all strata. On that fateful day, Meedin was expecting for dinner a former PLOTE cadre, his wife and three children who were leaving for an undisclosed overseas destination.
In the interim, Chamley came over with Ice Manju to meet Meedin at his residence in the Kiribathgoda Housing Scheme. After an hour’s discussion, the three left Meedin’s place in his car ostensibly to get a bite.
The conversation which centred on LTTE’s Trincomalee Wing Leader Col. Sornam was obviously quite interesting that every time Meedin’s wife called her husband, he had requested her to ask the guests to wait. Finally, Meedin had told them to have dinner and they had to leave as it was getting late.
It was only two hours after the killing that Chamley who knew Meedin’s wife, informed her of the killing using his own mobile. This prevented the injured officer from being rushed for medical treatment. It also gave the assassin enough time to escape the scene of the crime. The police have obtained the vehicle in which Ice Manju used to flee the scene of the crime.
He was spotted in Trincomalee and Kurunegala but has managed to escape arrest. There is grave doubt that the suspect arrested is actually Ice Manju, and it is a matter of time before the sleuths make a determination.
After all the investigations are completed, the Attorney General would have to take a decision based on evidence on whom to indict. Chamley was arrested two days after the incident in Kadawatha, and has been in custody since. Whether he can be used as a crown witness may also have to be considered. RELATED POSTS: http://lankalibrary.com/phpBB/viewforum.php?f=56&sid=c52b6786cdf8076796556bfc08e9a897
(ORIGINAL POST PUBLISHED ON Friday, 16 February 2007. COURTESY DAILY NEWS )
Exposed: The Southern cells of the LTTE terror network
BLASTS: The entire country was puzzled when five bombs exploded almost simultaneously in Kiribathgoda, Wattala, Rajagiriya, Nugegoda and Dehiwala on January 24, 2006. No one was injured in the relatively minor blasts which took place at night.
The explosions that rocked the suburbs that day remained a mystery as Police could not make any breakthrough in their probe.
However, they came to the conclusion that a single organisation was behind all five explosions.
As time passed those low-scale explosions turned into a trivial matter not only for the people but also for the Security Forces and the Police as suicide bombs dominated the entire scene overshadowing all the other incidents in Colombo.
But there was a worrying factor for the Security Forces and the Police.
The second batch of the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation comprising, 1. Dinesh Buddhika Kalapalage alias Jagath, Talapalakanda, Deniyaya. 2. Gunaratna Adhikari Mudiyanselage Priyantha Goonaratna alias Parakrama, Udagammana, Divulapitiya. 3. Weerakoon Mudiyanselage Suranji Pradeep, Meetotamulla, Wellampitiya. 4. Mannadhi Pathirannehelage Sarath Janaka Manamendra, Divulapitiya. 5. Jayaratna Mudiyanselage Udaya Shamal Costa, Pahalabiyanwila, Kadawata. 6. Mohammed Lalith Seneviratna, Hokandara, during their visit to Elephant Pass.
The recovery of claymore mines one after the other in Colombo and suburban areas put them in an uneasy situation.
Those claymore mines posed a major threat to civilian life given the situation that arose after the Kebithigollewa bus bombing. But the people were fortunate enough as none of these claymore mines could do any harm. The Security Forces connected the LTTE to all these incidents since it was the only organisation which promotes violence to achieve their so-called objectives. Therefore, the Security Forces and the Police doubled their alertness towards disruptive elements in the country consequent to the two bus explosions in Nittambuwa and Hikkaduwa which killed several innocent civilians and injured many more. They detected more claymore mines, weaponry and ammunition and patiently monitored the situation.At last the Security Forces made a breakthrough that solved all those puzzles.
Acting on a tip-off received by the 112 Brigade and after a months long investigation and exercise of patience, the Army arrested Mohammed Lalith Seneviratna alias Mola Seneviratna, a former JVP activist who unsuccessfully contested the 1994 General election along with Ajith Kumara for the Gampaha district under JVP banner.
Along with Mola Seneviratna two more suspects Sudu Hewage Nihal Serasinghe alias Ragala Nihal, a resident of Rajagiriya who was married to a Tamil woman from Ragala and Mayadunne Arachchige Sisira Priyankara, a resident of Panadura and the treasurer of the leftist Trade Union of the Railway Department were also arrested.
The arrest of Seneviratna and Sisira Priyankara triggered controversy in trade union and media circles in Colombo due to their media and journalistic backgrounds. Many media organisations and trade unions jumped to the conclusion that an innocent journalist and a trade union activist have been arrested or rather abducted by unidentified men.
However, Seneviratna and Priyankara proved their guilt in their confessions to the Army, completely silencing the people and the organisations that hastened to blame the Government and the Security Forces without examining the background of these people.
Seneviratna revealed how he formed the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation when he lost faith in the path adopted by the JVP after entering Parliamentary democratic politics.
The prime aim of their organisation, in their words, was to “prevent the country from falling into the hands of imperialists” and they firmly believed in an armed struggle to protect the country.
Though some years passed after the formation of the organisation they failed to form a constitution. However, the organisation had several co-secretaries for administrative, political, military and intelligence.
It increased membership through their family links, trade union links and media links. According to latest revelations they have used street dramas and drama training centres to recruit new members. The most shocking part of his revelation was the path they selected to approach their goal. Mola Seneviratne explained how he developed contacts with the LTTE through a person called Ravi and how they received training in weapons and use of explosives from LTTE Intelligence Wing deputy leader Kapila Amman.They revealed how three batches of their organisation comprising 12 people underwent training in weapons and use of explosives with the LTTE in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu.The photographs show the second batch of the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation undergo weapons training in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu with LTTE members.
This threesome admitted that their organisation was responsible for the following crimes:
*Placing of claymore mine near STF camp, Ganemulla
*Placing of claymore mine at 9th Mile Post, Mahara *Placing a claymore mine and a time bomb aiming an Army vehicle in Koggala
*Exploding time bombs at Kiribathgoda, Wattala, near Castle hospital, Nugegoda and Dehiwala
*Placing of time bomb at Radawana
*Exploding a time bomb at the IOC Filling station at Piliyandala
*Throwing a hand grenade at IOC filling station at Mount Lavinia
*Throwing a hand grenade at IOC filling station at Kadawatha
In addition Seneviratna has also admitted that he worked as a freelance journalist for Minister Mangala Samaraweera from 1996 to 1998. They have received claymore mines, weapons and explosives from Tiger cadres and have distributed those weapons, claymore mines and ammunition among their members.They fell into the hands of the LTTE and became a cat’s paw of the LTTE in the South. They helped the LTTE to accomplish what they could not otherwise have achieved in the South.
The most alarming factor is that the LTTE had used this organisation to collect intelligence on vital economic and military centres in the South. Apart from the supply of weapons and ammunition the LTTE has also sent funds worth Rs.1 million and in turn the organisation invested money at various business establishments.
One such business establishment was found in Kadawatha area and steps have already been taken to freeze these assets by obtaining a Court order.After these three key suspects were handed over to the Terrorist Investigation Division, the Criminal Investigations Department made another eight arrests after February 8. The TID arrested two men from a hideout in Nivitigala, two from Habaraduwa, two from Kadawatha and one from Kotadeniyawa. The TID arrested Priyantha Nugawela, an employee attached to the Railway Department and his brother-in-law, a conductor who assisted Priyantha to conceal ammunition buried in their compound.
Sanjaya Sugathchandra of Kuleegedara, Kotadeniyawa a friend of Suranjith Pradeep of Wellampitiya and Priyantha Gunaratna of Divulapitiya both of whom have been trained in weapons and use of explosives were arrested at a hideout in Nivitigala Police area on February 13.The TID on February 9 also arrested the Grama Niladari of Balawela, Badalagama Sarath Janaka Manamendra who had undergone weapons training under the LTTE in Kilinochchi.
In addition, Hewadadallagodage Keerthi alias Podi Malli of Habaraduwa was also arrested by the TID on February 12 and based on his interrogation Ravindra Lasantha Kumara of Habaraduwa too was arrested. Police recovered one pistol with 13 live bullets.The TID also recovered weapons cleaning material and a 21-metre long detonator cord from Sisira Priyankara’s house in Panadura. Sisira Priyankara who was the President of Left oriented trade union of the Railway Department has played an active role in the recent strikes in Railway Department. Police recovered one micro pistol with six rounds of live ammunition from his locker at the Railway Department in a search carried out subsequent to his arrest.A further recovery was made on February 12 from the principal suspect Lalith Seneviratna which included a USB drive, a computer and a hard disk.
The USB drive contained the photos of the principal suspect and his group members taken during LTTE military training and during their visit to Kilinochchi and Elephant Pass.
The CID and the TID has deployed more teams in search of the members who had gone missing.
Though initially it was believed that this organisation comprised only Sinhalese, more roots have been found in the estate sector too with the involvement of estate Tamils. The organisation was in the process of increasing its membership in many parts of the country by training new recruits after deploying those who had already undergone weapons and explosive training with the LTTE.
Therefore, it is believed that the organisation could have been used as the cat’s paw of the LTTE to carry on their activities in the South using trained Sinhalese as their agents, hoodwinking the Security Forces and the Police.
Further interrogation of these suspects has revealed that they have been engaged in planning a big calamity in the South in the coming days specially on the day CFA is due to complete five years (February 22). But it is not yet confirmed what type of disaster they had planned in the South.
Therefore, the credit should go to the Security Forces and the Police for exposing such a terror group even though unfounded and baseless allegations are levelled against them without a proper knowledge of what is going on.
Certain foreign INGOs and organisations are in the habit of the blaming the Security Forces for violating the human rights and making Security Forces and the Police responsible for so-called abductions.
And even some politicians knowingly or unknowingly, willingly or unwillingly have become a part of the LTTE stage-managed campaign against the Security Forces, jumping to the conclusion that the Security Forces have violated human rights.
Setting aside their slogans at demonstrations and protests, it should be questioned whether they have made a proper and impartial analysis of the whole situation.
In the final analysis even the Southern media also have become a part of the LTTE propaganda machine to discredit the Government, Security Forces and the Police as the LTTE in a very subtle way has used them to achieve their aims.
The most prominent feature in this campaign is that these media organisations too are playing a vital role in promoting the cause of the LTTE by sympathising with the people who have been “abducted in white vans” as they say, without making any effort to find out their background.
The most amusing factor is that all these so-called abductions have been perpetrated by people arriving in white vans. According to Government Defence Affairs Spokesman Minister Keheliya Rambukwella, the idea is to give the impression that Government and the Security Forces are behind these so-called abductions.
What should be uppermost in the public mind at this moment is to see whether there was any complaint from a single political party or organisation to suppress them as had happened during the terror period in the late 1980’s. So far no political party or organisation had made any complaint against the Government. The only worrying factor they were having is the so-called abductions.
When going deeper into these allegations, it is obvious that the LTTE was indirectly behind these agitations though several organisations are in the front line.The prime aim of the LTTE is to prevent the Security Forces and the Police from arresting suspected LTTE cadres who had arrived in the South from various parts of the Wanni with ulterior motives. The LTTE made use of Southern politicians and also the Sinhala civilian organisations so effectively to cover up their attempt to launch a surprise attack on the Colombo Port.
These politicians and civil organisations coupled with certain media organisations are still making an effort to blame the Navy saying they have fired upon innocent fishermen.
In fact, they are still playing to the tune of the LTTE managed campaign, to cover up their plan which they launched using the fishermen to guide the LTTE boats to the Colombo Port. However, the Navy still stands firm that the arrests made by them were correct given the number of weapons recoveries they made after the detection of the boat. It is high time for the public to think twice before jumping to hasty conclusions about the steps taken by the Security Forces and the Police and keep faith in them since they have so far taken the correct measures to strengthen the security of civilians. And they should be grateful to the Security Forces and the Police for taking effective measures for creating a more secure environment for a peaceful life.
Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Poem "We Teach Life, Sir!" by RAFEEF ZIADAH (with text-transcript)
RAFEEF ZIADAH is a Canadian-Palestinian spoken word artist and activist. Her debut CD Hadeel is dedicated to Palestinian youth, who still fly kites in the face of F16 bombers, who still remember the names if their villages in Palestine and still hear the sound of Hadeel (cooing of doves) over Gaza. link to video
THE TEXT-TRANSCRIPT OF THE POEM
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre.
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre that had to fit into sound-bites and word limits.
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre that had to fit into sound-bites and word limits filled enough with statistics to counter measured response.
And I perfected my English and I learned my UN resolutions.
But still, he asked me, Ms. Ziadah, don't you think that everything would be resolved if you would just stop teaching so much hatred to your children?
Pause.
I look inside of me for strength to be patient but patience is not at the tip of my tongue as the bombs drop over Gaza.
Patience has just escaped me.
Pause. Smile.
We teach life, sir!
Rafeef, remember to smile.
Pause.
We teach life, sir!
We Palestinians teach life after they have occupied the last sky.
We teach life after they have built their settlements and apartheid walls, after the last skies.
We teach life, sir!
But today, my body was a TV'd massacre made to fit into sound-bites and word limits.
And just give us a story, a human story.
You see, this is not political.
We just want to tell people about you and your people so give us a human story.
Don't mention that word "apartheid" and "occupation".
This is not political.
You have to help me as a journalist to help you tell your story which is not a political story.
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre.
How about you give us a story of a woman in Gaza who needs medication?
How about you?
Do you have enough bone-broken limbs to cover the sun?
Hand me over your dead and give me the list of their names in one thousand two hundred word limits.
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre that had to fit into sound-bites and word limits and move those that are desensitized to terrorist blood.
But they felt sorry.
They felt sorry for the cattle over Gaza.
So, I give them UN resolutions and statistics and we condemn and we deplore and we reject.
And these are not two equal sides: occupier and occupied.
And a hundred dead, two hundred dead, and a thousand dead.
And between that, war crime and massacre, I went out words and smile "not exotic"; smile, "not terrorist".
And I recount, I recount a hundred dead, two hundred dead, a thousand dead.
Is anyone out there?
Will anyone listen?
I wish I could veil over their bodies.
I wish I could just run barefoot in every refugee camp and hold every child, cover their ears so they wouldn't have to hear the sound of bombing for the rest of their life the way I do.
Today, my body was a TV'd massacre
And let me just tell you, there's nothing your UN resolutions have ever done about this.
And no sound-bite, no sound-bite I come up with, no matter how good my English gets, no sound-bite, no sound-bite, no sound-bite, no sound-bite will bring them back to life.
No sound-bite will fix this.
We teach life, sir!
We teach life, sir!
We Palestinians wake up every morning to teach the rest of the world life, sir!
Photo: H.E Mahinda Samarasinghe Sri Lanka at UNHRC 19th-session 27-02-2012
(Source: here ) The following is the full text of the speech by Mahinda Samarasinghe, Sri Lanka’s special Human Rights envoy, at the 19th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council. Not checked against delivery.
I am honoured and privileged to be able to once again share with this august body, Sri Lanka’s experience in promoting and protecting the human rights of its people, in accordance with universally accepted standards.
In the 2 years and 9 months since the end of the armed conflict against terrorism and the onset of peace, Sri Lanka has made significant progress towards recovery and achieving reconciliation, by incrementally overcoming many challenges posed to the nation and its people by almost 30 years of conflict. The rollback and eventual abolition of emergency regulations in August 2011, in tandem with the gradual improvement in the country’s law and order situation in the post-conflict phase, has led to further consolidation of peace. It has also demonstrated to the world Sri Lanka’s genuine aspiration in its approach to achieving a peace that is stable and sustainable.
Terrorism that ravaged our nation for nearly three decades adversely affected not only our people, their livelihoods, property and infrastructure; it also damaged the social fabric of our nation. The reconciliation process set in motion by the Sri Lanka Government has therefore necessarily taken into account a range of factors including economic development, rehabilitation and resettlement and livelihood development in addition to addressing the need to provide a sense of finality among those who suffered trauma and the loss of loved ones.
In my statement to the Council last September, I urged that the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, must be given the time and space to complete its mandate. We continued to brief the international community in Geneva of the interim recommendations made by the LLRC and the measures taken by the Inter-Agency Advisory Committee on their implementation. As you know, the Commission has now delivered on its mandate and submitted its report, including a series of recommendations, to the President of Sri Lanka. The Report was submitted to Parliament by my ministerial colleague and Leader of the House Hon. Nimal Siripala de Silva, who is here with me in Geneva today, on 16 December 2011, together with the Government’s position on the recommendations contained in the Report. Concurrently, the Report was made public.
In our view, the Report contains a detailed and perceptive analysis of past errors, including those that led to the failure of the peace process, and several recommendations for the future. The Report is comprehensive and contains detailed annexes, compiled following interviews with over 1,000 persons who gave evidence before the Commission, and over 5,000 submissions received. The proceedings were largely open and persons testified freely and openly before the Commission in public hearings unless exceptional circumstances required in camera proceedings. This was quite different to the Secretary-General’s Advisory Panel which held closed door hearings with unnamed witnesses who were guaranteed 20 years anonymity to secure their statements. This meant that the testimony could not be verified or tested for its probative value. The LLRC Report, on the other hand, places before us material of the basis on which the Commissioners arrived at their conclusions, which are substantive and verifiable. The Commission has dealt with and made recommendations on a whole gamut of issues including aspects of accountability – something which several of our partners and interlocutors have failed to acknowledge; the resettlement of IDPs; the rehabilitation and re-integration of ex-combatants, the detention of suspects; bringing an end to the possession of unauthorized weapons; the deployment of security forces; land issues; issues with regard to restitution; implementation of the language policy; socio-economic and livelihood development; administrative issues; and on the need to arrive at a national consensus with regard to fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of all communities living in Sri Lanka.
I am happy to observe that advances have been made with regard to many of the recommendations in the Report. The Government will continue to address these issues in a systematic and thorough manner. Some of the areas in which gains have been made include the resettlement of IDPs; demining; rehabilitation of ex-combatants; implementation of the language policy; the recruitment of Tamil speaking police officers; the removal of the military from facilitation of civil administration in the north making available land previously used for security purposes for resettlement/return; and carrying out a comprehensive census in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces. There are also other recommendations in the Report which need to be comprehensively addressed.
In particular, the Commission’s recommendations about the formulation of a land use plan for each district in the Northern and Eastern Provinces and, as a longer term initiative, the establishment of a National Land Commission for the country as a whole, require further study and careful planning. A pragmatic initial step towards resolving issues related to state land ownership has already been adopted by the Government though in a more modest form. The initiative aimed at the construction of over 78,000 houses in the North, including those built under the North East Housing Reconstruction Programme (NEHRP) constructed with donor assistance. A Land Task Force was established at provincial and district levels to deal with land issues and to seek expeditious solutions, and is further evidence of our efforts. I may also add that the Government is firmly resolved to ensure that all those who have been dispossessed of their lands, are afforded the opportunity to return to the lands they once owned.
In relation to livelihood support, a self employment loan scheme has been put in place in the North and East and to date thousands of beneficiaries have been apportioned USD 318 million. Moreover, beneficiaries were provided with Enterprise Development Services (EDS) including the establishment of organizations for the self-employed.
With regard to the lands under the former High Security Zones of Palaly and Trincomalee-Sampur, the Commission has acknowledged that the area covered has significantly diminished in terms of both land area and restriction of movement. With regard to the re-demarcation and reduction of the former High Security Zones to aid resettlement, the process was initiated prior to the Commission’s Report, which therefore recognized that the area had diminished significantly. By the end of the conflict in 2009, the High Security Zones (HSZ) covered 4,098.36 Ha and, at present, has been reduced to 2,582.45. The Government will closely monitor and expedite making lands, previously used for security purposes, for resettlement/return.
You may have noted that the Commission offers detailed observations and recommendations on International Humanitarian Law issues relating to the final phases of the conflict. The Report endorses the position that the protection of civilian life was a key factor in the formulation of policy for carrying out military operations, and that the deliberate targeting of civilians formed no part of it. This was and remains the position of the Government. I wish to inform this Council that an enumeration to ascertain the number of persons in the Northern Province and to scientifically identify the number of persons who lost their lives in the conflict, is now complete and a detailed analysis will be made known in the near future. Due to the unlawful presence of the LTTE, no proper census could be carried out since 1981. Among the people not accounted for and classified as deceased, we count people killed as a result of the conflict, including those who carried arms for the LTTE, civilians killed by the LTTE as they tried to flee from the hostage situation, persons caught in the crossfire and people who migrated out of the Northern Province, either to the South and who left by sea to India or other countries seeking asylum. We need the assistance of receiving countries to ascertain how many persons they have admitted. As a further step, the Government has decided to put in place a structure to further analyse and verify the data gathered in order to arrive at definite conclusions as to civilian mortalities and casualties. One thing is certain: the story of “tens of thousands” of civilian deaths that supposedly occurred during the final phase of the humanitarian operation, is very clearly proved to be a gross exaggeration and a deliberate misrepresentation of fact.
The material placed before the Commission points to several specific episodes which, in its view, warrant further investigation. The Government is committed to a mechanism for gathering and assessing factual evidence relating to the episodes indicated, buttressed by a strong investigative arm. The findings thus arrived at will form the basis of a decision on whether criminal proceedings can be instituted. The material yielded by this investigation will be placed before the Attorney-General for a decision in respect of instituting criminal proceedings, where warranted. The Attorney General is currently seized of and is studying the recommendations in the report with regard to allegations of violations of International Humanitarian Law. Military Courts of Inquiry in keeping with international practice have commenced investigations into specific incidents identified by the LLRC.
The mandate of the Court of Inquiry is to investigate, inter alia, civilian casualties and the Channel 4 video footages; including whether any deliberate and intentional attacks were made by the Army on civilians, with a view to causing them harm or damage, or on any hospitals or no-fire zones. If so, the persons responsible for any such activity and to make recommendations with regard to the measures that should be taken with regard to such persons.
Madam President, in respect of the controversial Channel 4 footage, the Court of Inquiry has been specifically mandated to ascertain whether any member of the armed forces was involved in the events depicted, authentic or otherwise and to recommend the measures to be taken. A similar Court of Inquiry has been convened by the Sri Lanka Navy to inquire into relevant allegations.
As you can observe, Madam President, Sri Lanka has taken clear and definite steps towards implementation of the recommendations of the domestic process, barely two months after the report was made public. We have evolved a mechanism to look into accountability issues raised in the LLRC report, both in the form of civil and military structures. This is coupled with a time bound plan in the form of the National Human Rights Action Plan catering to a number of other recommendations to move Sri Lanka towards comprehensive reconciliation.
As we have done in the past, we will keep the Council informed of progress when we participate in the sessions in June, September and in the course of the UPR in October. We have already extended an invitation to the High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Sri Lanka. I might add that there is already a senior advisor of the High Commissioner’s office working in Sri Lanka from as far back as 2005.
Madam President, in the light of this commitment by Sri Lanka, there is no justification or urgency whatsoever in floating a resolution calling for the implementation of the LLRC’s recommendations and engagement with the High Commissioner, when this has already been effectively undertaken by the Government. What we now need from the international community is objectivity in assessing Sri Lanka’s efforts. More than anything we need ensure that the process is allowed to advance unimpeded. We do not need unwarranted incursions that will compromise successful implementation. Such interference by way of redundant resolutions before this Council, would only undermine the sentiments of this Council as expressed in the decisive adoption of the Special Session resolution on Sri Lanka in 2009.
The number of persons in detention for suspected involvement in terrorist activity has been reduced to 225 out of a total of over 4,000. As many detainees as possible have been released or forwarded for rehabilitation and eventual release. The initiative to draw down the numbers commenced with the interim recommendations of the LLRC. We are still investigating several cases and these persons will be tried before ordinary courts of law in the shortest possible space of time. The Police have adopted stringent guidelines with regard to the treatment of persons taken into custody. This will have a salutary effect on the allegations of torture and mistreatment. These are also direct follow up activities relating to the recommendations of the Commission.
You will be pleased to observe the establishment of normalcy and the re-democratization of the Northern and the Eastern provinces, including the holding of Provincial Elections in the East, local government elections, as well as restoration of civil administration including the network of 33 divisional secretaries and 912 village level officials in the North. In keeping with the recommendations of the LLRC, the military has been withdrawn from aspects of civilian life, and are now confined to security-related matters. As a result, development-related work which, during the conflict situation and immediately thereafter, came under the purview of the Presidential Task Force for Resettlement, Development and Security of the Northern Province, is now carried out under the supervision of the relevant line Ministries, in coordination and consultation with the provincial and local government representation. Development activities in the 05 districts of the North, are channeled through the relevant line Ministries and institutions at the central government level; the provincial administration and the District Secretaries at the district level and Divisional Secretaries at divisional level. The District Secretary or Government Agent functions as the Coordinating and Executing Officer of the district. The civil service in the North and the East is largely representative of the Tamil and Muslim communities. Chief Secretary/Northern Province and 03 out of the 05 District Secretaries/Government Agents in the North, i.e., in Jaffna, Vavuniya and Kilinochi, are Tamil women civil servants, while the other two are Tamil males. The Chief Secretary of the Eastern Province is also from the Tamil community. It may be noted that the present District Secretary/Government Agent of Jaffna District served in the same capacity in the Mullaitivu District when it was under the LTTE’s control.
Allied with this is the sometimes contentious issue of language. Sri Lanka has an official languages policy in place which gives equal place to the Sinhala and Tamil languages, mandated by the Constitution. The right of all persons to function and communicate in a language of their choice is constitutionally entrenched. The Trilingual Policy, announced by the Government in January 2012, will further consolidate the implementation of the Official Languages policy and make a valuable contribution to building bridges between the communities and strengthening national unity. This is a key component of the reconciliation process and language was an important focus of the LLRC’s recommendations. More than 1,600 Tamil speaking police officers have been recruited already, and the Tamil language capability of public servants and the police will be further enhanced in the future.
It is a matter of great satisfaction to the Government that our rapid and orderly process of resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) has been recognized and commended internationally. Out of over 290,000 IDPs housed in welfare centres at the end of May 2009, only 6,647 IDPs remained to be resettled by the end of 2011. The Government has spent over USD 360 million on its resettlement programme. We will continue with our commitment to resettling all IDPs, including those termed ‘old IDPs’ who were displaced prior to April 2008. The United Nations OCHA Joint Humanitarian and Early Recovery Update for November and December 2011, records that by the end of December 2011, 421,056 people (belonging to 126,524 families) had returned to the Northern Province. This figure includes 223,745 people (70,625 families) displaced after April 2008 and 197,311 persons (55,899 families) displaced before April 2008. Further efforts to identify and assist IDPs in situations of protracted displacement to achieve durable solutions are ongoing.
The de-mining of former conflict-affected areas was carried out at a pace comparable with the best achievements in the world. The Government has at present demined 1,412 square kilometres out of the 2,046 square kilometres that were contaminated with landmines. More than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines and 227 Antitank Mines, and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been recovered from these areas. The Sri Lanka Army is responsible for around 80% of the successful demining operations and is supported by other agencies. It may be noted that with the establishment of the National Mine Action Centre under the Ministry of Economic Development in 2010, all coordination related to mine action and mine risk education come under the purview of civil administration.
With regard to rehabilitation of LTTE ex-combatants, out of nearly 12,000, less than 900 remain in rehabilitation centres. Psycho-social care has been provided to all, including counselling and drama, dance and music therapy. Spiritual and religious programmes have also been conducted. Adult cadres have been provided with extensive vocational training making them employable and potentially useful members of their communities. Those ex-combatants still to complete the process of rehabilitation remain in the Protective Accommodation and Rehabilitation Centres (PARC) established by law.
The 595 LTTE child soldiers who were in Government custody have been rehabilitated under a UNICEF-assisted programme without setting in motion any criminal procedure, and returned to their families within one year. Several have successfully passed their Advanced Level examination last year, some having even gained entry to undergraduate programmes.
In accordance with established practice of post-conflict decommissioning, the government has institutionalized a process with legislative oversight, to continuously record specific details on the number of weapons recovered, in order to bring about an end to the possession of unauthorized weapons. This will have important implications for human security in general and positively impact on the law and order situation as well.
Economic development continues to play a pivotal role in the reconciliation process and the return to normalcy. Massive infrastructure and development programmes are underway in the former conflict-affected areas of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. The Government has embarked upon 27 donor assisted projects of which 23 are implemented in the North and the East to develop infrastructure including housing, roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, and irrigation schemes, valued at approximately USD 201 million for the year 2011 alone. Of the above projects, 7 are categorized as large projects, each valued at above USD 50 Million per project. The total allocation for infrastructure development in the Jaffna District in the Northern Province is USD 300 million, while USD 250 million and USD 150 million have been invested in development projects in the Killinochchi and Batticaloa Districts, respectively.
Since the end of the conflict, a 22% economic growth has been recorded in the Northern Province, while Sri Lanka’s overall GDP recorded around 8% growth in 2011. In terms of investment promotion, the Atchchuveli Industrial Zone, which is being developed in a 25 acre land area is expected to attract approximately 40 local and foreign investors and to generate employment to over 6,000 persons. A further 67 acres is scheduled to be added in the second stage. The Palaly airport – which is to be upgraded, and the Kankesanthurai (KKS) harbor – are located less than 10 kilometres from the Industrial Zone, thus providing additional logistical advantages to investors. The Zone will enable small and medium enterprises to better tap into the post-conflict opportunities in the country. The reconstruction of the Northern railway line which was totally destroyed by the LTTE, is currently under way. Both initiatives are supported by assistance from the Government of India. The rail link from Omanthai to Pallai and on to KKS, will provide connectivity and linkage to markets to the Northern province. A Vocational Training Institute on par with international standards and certification that is being set up in Kilinochchi under the purview of the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Skills Development with assistance from Germany, will enhance the skill levels and the employment opportunities of the youth in the Northern province. We acknowledge with appreciation the assistance that has been received from several other countries.
The peace we have won at such cost to the nation and its people will not be a genuine peace until and unless the legitimate aspirations of all communities are met in a substantive and satisfactory manner. The consensus formula to the national question thus evolved, needs to be democratic, pragmatic and home grown, in order to be sustainable. As a central feature of the Government’s approach to evolving such a process, a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) is contemplated to achieve multi-party consensus in respect of constitutional changes, to fulfil the legitimate aspirations of the Sri Lankan people enabling them to work in unison and with a sense of national identity for a better tomorrow. Parallel with this multi-party mechanism, the Government has commenced bilateral discussions with Tamil political parties as well as Muslim representation. The Government has already nominated its members to the PSC and is awaiting the nomination of members representing the opposition, after which its sittings can commence. We are mindful that all previous attempts at evolving a constitutional formula have failed due to lack of consensus. We are optimistic that the Parliamentary Select Committee process would help achieve such a consensus, given its inclusivity and transparency, and commitment to democratic ideals.
With regard to Sri Lanka’s international commitments to safeguard and promote human rights, it may be noted that it has voluntarily engaged with UN mechanisms including special procedures and treaty bodies. In this regard, Sri Lanka constructively engaged in the consideration of the 3rd and 4th Combined Periodic Reports on Sri Lanka to the Committee Against Torture in December 2011. Sri Lanka will also engage with the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances at its 96th Session in Geneva in March 2012. Sri Lanka’s National Report will be considered in October 2012 during the 2nd cycle of the Universal Periodic Review, which will provide an opportunity to comprehensively discuss the progress made over a four-year period, as well as issues related to reconciliation. Our efforts are directed towards engagement at this next cycle of the UPR. Any and all questions pertaining to developments after 2008 may be raised there and will be fully and fairly answered.
We have also continued to engage in Geneva and at other international fora, and briefed the international community about our progress, problems and solutions that we have devised. We have hosted several high profile officials from several countries to visit Sri Lanka to view the reconstruction work. We continue to engage the international community by inviting them to witness first-hand the progress being made on the ground.
Domestically, very specific measures have been adopted by the Government to safeguard human rights. It may be recalled that during Sri Lanka’s last engagement with the UPR process in 2008, it pledged to devise a five-year National Action Plan for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights. We have worked hard on delivering on that pledge through a participatory process involving Government and civil society. The result is the National Action Plan for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights which was approved by the Cabinet of Ministers in September 2011. We are now at the implementation stage of the Action Plan, including monitoring and evaluation. The Action Plan presents a structured framework to monitor the implementation of existing laws, policies and practices and to enhance a better understanding and respect of human rights. It addresses 08 areas, viz, civil and political rights, economic, social, and cultural rights, children’s rights, labour rights, migrant worker rights, prevention of torture, women’s rights and the rights of IDPs. We have completed the very first activity identified in the Plan which is the appointment of a sub-Committee of the Cabinet that will oversee its implementation. At the operational level, I will Chair a body of senior officials of institutions that will be charged with implementation.
Sri Lanka is firmly committed to strengthening the international human rights system. We are appreciative of the important work being carried out by the treaty bodies for the promotion and protection of human rights. We welcome the initiatives undertaken to strengthen the treaty body system, given the current challenges faced in terms of resources and the increase in their work load. We are however firmly of the view that such should be achieved through an intergovernmental process, which is both transparent and inclusive, and based on a legal mandate. We are also of the view that greater synergy and harmonisation between, and not just within treaty bodies, but also with other human rights mechanisms such as the UPR and special procedures, is necessary to yield optimum results and to minimise duplication.
Similarly, Sri Lanka is deeply concerned to observe the continuing imbalance between the assessed and voluntary contributions to the OHCHR budget. We are of the view that voluntary contributions should be subject to the same level of intergovernmental scrutiny and oversight as the regular budget. We continue to support initiatives in this regard in the Sixth Committee as well as through constructive engagement with the OHCHR, with a view to ensuring that the principles of accountability and transparency are institutionally entrenched in the work of the Organization.
In light of Sri Lanka’s demonstrated commitment to an internal reconciliation process, including the implementation of the range of recommendations of the LLRC by the adoption of a road map for implementation as I outlined earlier, its continued engagement with the Member States of the Council and its participation in dialogue with treaty bodies and through modalities such as the UPR, the persistent request for engagement within the formal processes of the Council by some states can only be viewed with misgivings. We are of the view that this could be perceived as undue interference with internal processes of recovery and reconciliation containing strong elements of prejudgment and the application of double standards. Given our bona fide actions on the domestic and international plane, this action would not be in keeping with established international procedure, where domestic processes must be exhausted before resorting to review before external fora.
We must keep in mind that one of the major external challenges that Sri Lanka is faced with in the post-conflict context, is that the remainder of the terrorist organisation identified as the world’s most ruthless, is proscribed by 32 countries including the US, Canada and Member States of the EU, are still active in some countries and are engaged in clandestine activities, including fund raising, money laundering, drug trafficking and human smuggling. They also wield considerable electoral and political influence in their host countries due to the concentration of large numbers in key population centres. They continue to advocate mono-ethnic separatism in Sri Lanka, while espousing a separatist ideology of the terrorist group, using the latter’s resources and being manipulated by its surviving leadership. They also resort to exploiting the electoral influence of the expatriate Sri Lankan Tamil community living in these countries. It is unfortunate that this group of the defeated terrorists, by attempting to pursue punitive action at the Human Rights Council through some of their host governments, should actually be resorting to undermining the genuine reconciliation process underway in Sri Lanka.
We categorically reject such undue pressure from sections of the international community which have fallen prey to the propaganda, coercive tactics and electoral pressures of these elements. We are conscious of their need to portray a negative picture of Sri Lanka and unreasoning pessimism in order to justify their continued presence in these host countries. Instead of accepting our President’s invitation to become constructive partners in development and building a renewed Sri Lanka, it is most regrettable that these elements devote their time, effort and resources in defaming their motherland and denigrating the genuine efforts of the Government to consolidate peace, development and prosperity for all Sri Lankans.
We as a Government, therefore, question the value addition of internationalizing through seeking to deliberate upon an effective ongoing domestic process in international fora. Such endeavours would only serve to detract from an expeditious resolution of the issues at hand. We also wish to emphasise that action initiated in the promotion and protection of human rights in a member State, must have the consent of that State and be based on the principles of cooperation and genuine dialogue. We have good examples today of instances where this cardinal principle has been violated, and where even the application of a multiplication of special initiatives has nevertheless failed to establish peace, and has only contributed to exacerbating and at times externalising conflict situations.
It should be apparent, therefore, that Sri Lanka is best placed to successfully conclude a home grown process of reconciliation acceptable to, and benefitting all of its people. It is most pertinent to state that any home grown process would take into account the culture, the values, traditions, customs and history of its people. Therefore, it is of critical importance that Sri Lanka be provided with the time and space required to continue with its genuine national endeavours towards achieving this objective. We therefore urge the Council to be guided by the principles in the UNGA Resolution 60/251, and reiterate the importance of ensuring adherence to cardinal postulates of universality, objectivity and non-selectivity in the consideration of issues in the promotion and protection of human rights. It is our sincere hope that all those who wish Sri Lanka well, would view progress made so far as a catalyst, and continue to engage with us in a constructive spirit. The people of Sri Lanka expect and deserve no less.
In conclusion, I must point out that Sri Lanka rooted out and destroyed domestic manifestations of separatist terrorism largely on its own with the assistance of a notable few international partners. Those who did assist – materially and otherwise – know that their contribution to eradicating this 30 year conflict, is acknowledged with deep and abiding gratitude. Similarly, our Asian regional partners among others are contributing to the massive recovery process in the aftermath of the conflict. They too are acknowledged with sincere appreciation. However, it is regrettable that some of those members of the international community that are among the shrillest and loudest voices in support of various causes in post-conflict Sri Lanka – who raise a clamour over civilian welfare, women’s rights, displaced persons, children, minorities and a host of other issues – are among the least forthcoming in term of real assistance to the recovery effort. The Government of Sri Lanka, the United Nations and international and national NGOs entered into a tripartite agreement that represents a coordinated and cooperative initiative aimed at recovering from the armed conflict and safeguarding the human rights of those affected. It is named the Joint Assistance Plan for the Northern Province which, at the end of 2011, had only received approximately a meagre 35% of the required funding for that year. One hopes that these nations, given their ostensibly deep and abiding interest evinced in protecting human rights in Sri Lanka, would find it able to assist the civilian population especially in the conflict affected areas. Delivering homilies about human rights in Sri Lanka at fora such as these would be much more meaningful if they were supported by real and substantial cooperation and assistance in keeping with this Council’s Resolution on Sri Lanka in 2009. Enabling a member state to overcome the undoubted challenges it faces in reconciliation and restoration of normality and productive civilian life – particularly amongst those worst affected by the scourge of terrorism – would be much more tangible and helpful to all concerned, rather than the mere repetition of unsubstantiated allegations and unconscionable finger-pointing directed at Sri Lanka.
As ever, my delegation and I, assure you of our fullest cooperation in conducting the work of these Sessions.
Thank you.
MAHINDA SAMARASINGHE, Minister of Plantation Industries of Sri Lanka, said in August 2011 the Government had abolished the emergency law, which had led to a further consolidation of peace. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission had submitted its report to the President, in which it had made a detailed analysis of past errors including those that led to the failure of peace process. The Commission’s recommendations included past accountability, resettlement of internally displaced persons, rehabilitation and re-integration of ex-combatants, land issues, socio-economic development. The report endorsed the Government’s position that the protection of civilians was a key factor in the formulation of policy for carrying out military operations in the final phases of the conflict in Sri Lanka, and that deliberate targeting of civilians had made no part of it. In light of the commitment by Sri Lanka, there was no need for the Human Rights Council to consider a resolution calling for the implementation of the Commission’s recommendations, when that was already being effectively undertaken by the Government. The international community had to assess Sri Lanka’s efforts objectively and ensure that the process was allowed to advance unimpeded. It was of critical importance that Sri Lanka be provided with time and space to continue its genuine national endeavours towards achieving national reconciliation.
BLASTS: The entire country was puzzled when five bombs exploded almost simultaneously in Kiribathgoda, Wattala, Rajagiriya, Nugegoda and Dehiwala on January 24, 2006. No one was injured in the relatively minor blasts which took place at night. 
