Many outside powers tried to rule Sri Lanka - President MR

While claiming that Sri Lanka will not allow a single inch of the land to be taken away, President Mahinda Rajapaksa today said that in the four years since humanitarian victory there were many strategies tried out by some outside forces to rule Sri Lanka.

“There will be no room for separation, President Rajapksa said addressing the Humanitarian Victory Parade at Galle Face green this morning.

“The armed racist terrorism that existed for several years was used to control our country in the way that external forces wanted to. Foreign forces and pressures, foreign invasions are not new to us. In the four years since this great humanitarian victory there were many strategies tried out by these forces to rule our Motherland. These included the Arab Spring, grease demons, the independent of the Judiciary, media freedom and human rights. There were attempts to make us file answers to such charges almost every six months. It is these sinister aims that are put forward as the protection of human rights and democracy. However, what is hidden below this is the expectation to break up this country,” he said.

“I believe that the feeling that we should all live together in a single country is once again emerging in the hearts of the Tamil people,” President Rajapaksa said.

Prabhakaran and his cohorts destroyed the erudite society that could build the culture of the Tamil people of the north. Just as Prabhakaran, the political parties that are propping up the Diaspora are still engaged in an effort to drag Tamil society to destruction. As long as these groups exist the Tamil people need no other enemies, the President said.

The time has come for the people of the north to have a good understanding of the honesty of those who claim to speak on their behalf, President further added.

Full text of the speech :

Today we have the fourth opportunity to celebrate with dignity the great victory of our Motherland. Today we also commemorate another great moment in the history of Sri Lanka when our Motherland was united. It is also great the great moment when Sri Lanka was freed from the deadly fear of terror. With great sacrifice of lives by our people, we were able to liberate the largest number of hostages in the world held by the forces of terror. Today we remember all of this.

Friends,

We must bear in mind that thousands of heroes like this sacrificed their lives for the country to obtain this great victory. Many lakhs more offered their blood, sweat and tears and lost their eyes and limbs for this land. I am pleased to state that we have elevated all of you as high as the national flag flies to give you the honor you deserve.

In the midst of efforts by some to take our war heroes to an international scaffolding we have provided welfare benefits such as housing, schools, scholarships, income sources, facilities such as the Mihindu Seth Medura and Abimansala for the benefit of their families, their children and their parents. We have carried out such services for our war heroes to encourage those citizens in the future who think of making a commitment to the future of the country, and to give them the confidence and strength to do so.

If one is to fully understand the great service provided by these heroes we must recall how the people of this country lived before May 2009. There was no freedom at that time to walk freely at Galle Face Green where you are gathered today. It was the time when even the Galle Face Green was also closed. The LTTE was able to destroy the Central Bank building that you can see from here,and also send a bomb laden lorry right before the residence of the Head of the State. The hotels around this area were destroyed by bomb attacks.

We recall that the Tigers who attacked the Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura in 1985 later came to Colombo and attacked with bombs and killed the NayakaThero at the Fort Buddhist temple. In 1990 the Tigers killed hundreds of worshippers at the Kathankudy mosque, and their ability to strike and spread throughout the country that 19 years laterthey attacked a religious procession at the MataraGodapitiya mosque. Minister MahindaWijesekera who was a victim of that attack is still bedridden.

Most places in this country were then identified by recalling bomb attacks by the LTTE such as the junction where ParamiKulatunga was killed, the place where Navy Commander Clarence Fernando was killed, the junction where Major Muthalif was killed, the street where Mr. Premadasa was killed, the place where Minister C. V. Gunaratne was killed and the house where Mr. Kadirgamar was killed.

At that time this was a country where fear of death was brought by a parcel that had no owner.

The Tigers were able to do as they wished at any place in the country. There was no place to escape or be safe from the Tigers.

There was no one who came to save the people of this country.

In 1977, the first Executive President of the country who had the power of a five-sixth majority told the people when they were under attack by the Tigers that they must look after their own safety . The next President who took office, ordered 700 policemen to surrender and betrayed them to the Tigers. They were killed by the Tigers. The Tigers were also given arms. He was also killed on the road.

The Tigers also killed in Tamil Nadu the Prime Minister of India who brought them for peace talks and gave the LTTE leader a bullet proof vest.

Subsequently, although a ceasefire agreement was signed with the intervention of several foreign countries, and a part of the country was betrayed to the forces of terror, those who were responsible for that agreement could not prevent bomb attacks in Colombo. All those who ruled the country at that time acted in this humiliating manner because they believed that the Tigers could not be defeated.

We were also told by the entire world not to clash with the Tigers. We were told to give what they wanted. If we too were so fearful and lowly we would still be living in a country where one is afraid of a parcel on the road.

Yet, we had complete faith in the heroism and strength of the youth of our country. That faith is in you. We had trust in the heroes who were born from the wombs of the mothers of our land and love the country. We believed that our young heroes had the strength to take this country from shame and defeatism to heroism. That is why this country is today a great nation that is free of the fear of death.

Whatever anyone forgets, or tries to make us forget, there is one thing I believe in. It is that this great victory was best felt in the hearts of our small children.

The children of the people in what were then called border villages, who sheltered to save their lives at night under the large leaves of habarala plants, and the children of the mothers who guarded the gates of their schools under the scorching sun, will take this story to the new generations. Our children will never let this part of our history be forgotten.

My dear children,

We know that those who had ceasefire agreements that betrayed the country to the Tigers are making every effort to make us forget the heroism of this nation. It is those who betrayed the country with the ceasefire agreement that during the same period, in 2003 proposed to the World Meteorological Organization that the name of our great king Mahasen who built 16 tanks should be used to name a great storm. All international media have mentioned cyclone Mahasen. Will those who sought to insult King Mahasen who was known as “MinneriDewiyo” for building the MinneriyaWewa, allow your great service to the nation to be recorded in history? Are we ready to forget such action?

Friends,

This era should be not go down in history as an era when we were warring, but an era when war was ended. Not as an era of murder and bloodshed, an era when tyre pyres were burning at every junction, but as an era when bloodshed was stopped. Similarly, this era should go down in history as one that carried out a major transformation to prevent the occurrence of war again.

Friends,

It is the people in the North and the East who would and should feel this most. Today, in the north and east of the country, there are twelve political parties carrying out their activities freely. However, all political parties that attempted to function freely at that time had to face the Tiger’s bullet. EROS, PLOTE, EPRLF, EPDP and TELO -- all of them suffered the same fate. The former leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front saved his life by living in Colombo. From Duraiappa to members of Parliament such as Amirthalingam, Sam Thambimuttu and his wife, and Raviraj – all were silenced forever.

Prabhakaran and his cohorts destroyed the erudite society that could build the culture of the Tamil people of the north. Just as Prabhakaran, the political parties that are propping up the Diaspora are still engaged in an effort to drag Tamil society to destruction. As long as these groups exist the Tamil people need no other enemies.

The time has come for the people of the north to have a good understanding of the honesty of those who claim to speak on their behalf.

You will know that after thirty years, we have given the opportunity to the fishermen of the north to earn their livelihoods freely at sea. However, when the fishermen of north go out to sea there are others who come and grab the fish that is found at that area. It is those who grab this wealth of the people of the north who seek to bring pressure on governments on behalf of the Tamil people of the north. The people of the north should be on their guard in the future too against such sinister protectors.

When three lakhs of hostages among the northern people came seeking their freedom there was no one to give even a packet of food to them other than the security forces, you and the government. The Diaspora that collects billions supposedly for the Tamil people did not come to serve their people at that time,they did not come to help the Sri Lankan Tamil people at that time.

Friends,

The opportunity has now been provided for more that 11,000 persons who were with the LTTE to be rehabilitated and live freely. These are people who had committed offences that could keep them for many years behind bars. Those whose crimes could take them the scaffold. In no other country will those who were associated with the most ruthless terrorist organization in the world obtain the pardon as they have received in Sri Lanka. I am aware that the youth in the north are happy about this pardon. Fair thinking people are also pleased with this.

As of now nearly 4000 Tamil youth have joined the Civil Defence Corps. They are now launching cultivation in thousands of acres of land and participating in the country’s economic development. Several thousand more are waiting in line to join the security forces and the police. Initially, it was not those in the South who opposed Tamil youth being taken to the Armed Forces. It was some persons in the north and leaders who were abroad who declined this. Thousands of youth in Kilinochchi recently took to the streets against the decision by the Human Rights Council in Geneva. This is a victory of victories.

I understand well and recall the hearts and minds of the people of the north and east. History shows that in the Presidential Election of 1982 the Tamil people of the north defeatedPonnambalam who stood for a separate state and elected Kobbekaduwa who was from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.

I believe that the feeling that we should all live together in a single country is once again emerging in the hearts of the Tamil people.

Friends,

The armed racist terrorism that existed for several years was used to control our country in the way that external forces wanted to. Foreign forces and pressures, foreign invasions are not new to us. In the four years since this great humanitarian victory there were many strategies tried out by these forces to rule our Motherland. These included the Arab Spring, greasedemons, the independent of theJudiciary, media freedom and human rights. There were attempts to make us file answers to such charges almost every six months. It is these sinister aims that are put forward as the protection of human rights and democracy. However, what is hidden below this is the expectation to break up this country. Today we have a Sri Lankan nation that is sufficiently matured to understand this. Through the entirety of the past four years we had to struggle with these forces. It will be so in the future too. We will not allow a single inch of the land that you won by the sacrifice of your life to be taken away. There will be no room for separation.

Friends,

Before me today I see brave sons and daughters of Sri Lanka who are ready to sacrifice their lives for our Motherland. It is with great pride that I recall that through thousands of years past there were hundreds of thousands of brave people ready to sacrifice their lives for the Motherland. Even if all of us lose our lives for our Motherland, there will be thousands more who will come to take our place and sacrifice their own lives for this cause. This is the cause of our freedom and independence.

Friends,

I recall here the two lines of a poem I read this morning in a newspaper to be published tomorrow to mark this Humanitarian Victory Day. It said “Never did we know what fear was. Never were we bothered about life, but for our land.”

I pray that my Motherland will achieve victory through the strength of this truth

(Source: http://www.dailymirror.lk/news/29630-many-outside-powers-tried-to-rule-sri-lanka-mr.html)

ජෙනරාල් සරත් ෆොන්සේකා General Sarath Fonseka

07.03.2013. ජෙනරාල් සරත් ෆොන්සේකා මැතිතුමා සහභාගී වු විශේෂ "සටන" වැඩසටහන  
Video Discussion with General Sarath Fonseka on Sirasa TV "Satana" on 07.03.2013.

Exposed: The Southern cells of the LTTE terror network

(ORIGINAL POST PUBLISHED ON Friday, 16 February 2007. COURTESY DAILY NEWS )

Exposed: The Southern cells of the LTTE terror network

BLASTS: The entire country was puzzled when five bombs exploded almost simultaneously in Kiribathgoda, Wattala, Rajagiriya, Nugegoda and Dehiwala on January 24, 2006. No one was injured in the relatively minor blasts which took place at night.
The explosions that rocked the suburbs that day remained a mystery as Police could not make any breakthrough in their probe.
However, they came to the conclusion that a single organisation was behind all five explosions.
As time passed those low-scale explosions turned into a trivial matter not only for the people but also for the Security Forces and the Police as suicide bombs dominated the entire scene overshadowing all the other incidents in Colombo.
But there was a worrying factor for the Security Forces and the Police.

The second batch of the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation comprising, 1. Dinesh Buddhika Kalapalage alias Jagath, Talapalakanda, Deniyaya. 2. Gunaratna Adhikari Mudiyanselage Priyantha Goonaratna alias Parakrama, Udagammana, Divulapitiya. 3. Weerakoon Mudiyanselage Suranji Pradeep, Meetotamulla, Wellampitiya. 4. Mannadhi Pathirannehelage Sarath Janaka Manamendra, Divulapitiya. 5. Jayaratna Mudiyanselage Udaya Shamal Costa, Pahalabiyanwila, Kadawata. 6. Mohammed Lalith Seneviratna, Hokandara, during their visit to Elephant Pass.

The recovery of claymore mines one after the other in Colombo and suburban areas put them in an uneasy situation.
Those claymore mines posed a major threat to civilian life given the situation that arose after the Kebithigollewa bus bombing. But the people were fortunate enough as none of these claymore mines could do any harm. The Security Forces connected the LTTE to all these incidents since it was the only organisation which promotes violence to achieve their so-called objectives. Therefore, the Security Forces and the Police doubled their alertness towards disruptive elements in the country consequent to the two bus explosions in Nittambuwa and Hikkaduwa which killed several innocent civilians and injured many more. They detected more claymore mines, weaponry and ammunition and patiently monitored the situation.At last the Security Forces made a breakthrough that solved all those puzzles.


Acting on a tip-off received by the 112 Brigade and after a months long investigation and exercise of patience, the Army arrested Mohammed Lalith Seneviratna alias Mola Seneviratna, a former JVP activist who unsuccessfully contested the 1994 General election along with Ajith Kumara for the Gampaha district under JVP banner.

Along with Mola Seneviratna two more suspects Sudu Hewage Nihal Serasinghe alias Ragala Nihal, a resident of Rajagiriya who was married to a Tamil woman from Ragala and Mayadunne Arachchige Sisira Priyankara, a resident of Panadura and the treasurer of the leftist Trade Union of the Railway Department were also arrested.


The arrest of Seneviratna and Sisira Priyankara triggered controversy in trade union and media circles in Colombo due to their media and journalistic backgrounds. Many media organisations and trade unions jumped to the conclusion that an innocent journalist and a trade union activist have been arrested or rather abducted by unidentified men.
However, Seneviratna and Priyankara proved their guilt in their confessions to the Army, completely silencing the people and the organisations that hastened to blame the Government and the Security Forces without examining the background of these people.
Seneviratna revealed how he formed the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation when he lost faith in the path adopted by the JVP after entering Parliamentary democratic politics.

The prime aim of their organisation, in their words, was to “prevent the country from falling into the hands of imperialists” and they firmly believed in an armed struggle to protect the country.

Though some years passed after the formation of the organisation they failed to form a constitution. However, the organisation had several co-secretaries for administrative, political, military and intelligence.

It increased membership through their family links, trade union links and media links. According to latest revelations they have used street dramas and drama training centres to recruit new members. The most shocking part of his revelation was the path they selected to approach their goal. Mola Seneviratne explained how he developed contacts with the LTTE through a person called Ravi and how they received training in weapons and use of explosives from LTTE Intelligence Wing deputy leader Kapila Amman.They revealed how three batches of their organisation comprising 12 people underwent training in weapons and use of explosives with the LTTE in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu.The photographs show the second batch of the Revolutionary Liberation Organisation undergo weapons training in Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu with LTTE members.

This threesome admitted that their organisation was responsible for the following crimes:
*Placing of claymore mine near STF camp, Ganemulla
*Placing of claymore mine at 9th Mile Post, Mahara
*Placing a claymore mine and a time bomb aiming an Army vehicle in Koggala
*Exploding time bombs at Kiribathgoda, Wattala, near Castle hospital, Nugegoda and Dehiwala
*Placing of time bomb at Radawana
*Exploding a time bomb at the IOC Filling station at Piliyandala
*Throwing a hand grenade at IOC filling station at Mount Lavinia
*Throwing a hand grenade at IOC filling station at Kadawatha

In addition Seneviratna has also admitted that he worked as a freelance journalist for Minister Mangala Samaraweera from 1996 to 1998. They have received claymore mines, weapons and explosives from Tiger cadres and have distributed those weapons, claymore mines and ammunition among their members.They fell into the hands of the LTTE and became a cat’s paw of the LTTE in the South. They helped the LTTE to accomplish what they could not otherwise have achieved in the South.

The most alarming factor is that the LTTE had used this organisation to collect intelligence on vital economic and military centres in the South. Apart from the supply of weapons and ammunition the LTTE has also sent funds worth Rs.1 million and in turn the organisation invested money at various business establishments.
One such business establishment was found in Kadawatha area and steps have already been taken to freeze these assets by obtaining a Court order.After these three key suspects were handed over to the Terrorist Investigation Division, the Criminal Investigations Department made another eight arrests after February 8. The TID arrested two men from a hideout in Nivitigala, two from Habaraduwa, two from Kadawatha and one from Kotadeniyawa. The TID arrested Priyantha Nugawela, an employee attached to the Railway Department and his brother-in-law, a conductor who assisted Priyantha to conceal ammunition buried in their compound.

Sanjaya Sugathchandra of Kuleegedara, Kotadeniyawa a friend of Suranjith Pradeep of Wellampitiya and Priyantha Gunaratna of Divulapitiya both of whom have been trained in weapons and use of explosives were arrested at a hideout in Nivitigala Police area on February 13.The TID on February 9 also arrested the Grama Niladari of Balawela, Badalagama Sarath Janaka Manamendra who had undergone weapons training under the LTTE in Kilinochchi.

In addition, Hewadadallagodage Keerthi alias Podi Malli of Habaraduwa was also arrested by the TID on February 12 and based on his interrogation Ravindra Lasantha Kumara of Habaraduwa too was arrested. Police recovered one pistol with 13 live bullets.The TID also recovered weapons cleaning material and a 21-metre long detonator cord from Sisira Priyankara’s house in Panadura. Sisira Priyankara who was the President of Left oriented trade union of the Railway Department has played an active role in the recent strikes in Railway Department. Police recovered one micro pistol with six rounds of live ammunition from his locker at the Railway Department in a search carried out subsequent to his arrest.A further recovery was made on February 12 from the principal suspect Lalith Seneviratna which included a USB drive, a computer and a hard disk.

The USB drive contained the photos of the principal suspect and his group members taken during LTTE military training and during their visit to Kilinochchi and Elephant Pass.
The CID and the TID has deployed more teams in search of the members who had gone missing.
Though initially it was believed that this organisation comprised only Sinhalese, more roots have been found in the estate sector too with the involvement of estate Tamils. The organisation was in the process of increasing its membership in many parts of the country by training new recruits after deploying those who had already undergone weapons and explosive training with the LTTE.

Therefore, it is believed that the organisation could have been used as the cat’s paw of the LTTE to carry on their activities in the South using trained Sinhalese as their agents, hoodwinking the Security Forces and the Police.

Further interrogation of these suspects has revealed that they have been engaged in planning a big calamity in the South in the coming days specially on the day CFA is due to complete five years (February 22). But it is not yet confirmed what type of disaster they had planned in the South.
Therefore, the credit should go to the Security Forces and the Police for exposing such a terror group even though unfounded and baseless allegations are levelled against them without a proper knowledge of what is going on.

Certain foreign INGOs and organisations are in the habit of the blaming the Security Forces for violating the human rights and making Security Forces and the Police responsible for so-called abductions.
And even some politicians knowingly or unknowingly, willingly or unwillingly have become a part of the LTTE stage-managed campaign against the Security Forces, jumping to the conclusion that the Security Forces have violated human rights.

Setting aside their slogans at demonstrations and protests, it should be questioned whether they have made a proper and impartial analysis of the whole situation.
In the final analysis even the Southern media also have become a part of the LTTE propaganda machine to discredit the Government, Security Forces and the Police as the LTTE in a very subtle way has used them to achieve their aims.

The most prominent feature in this campaign is that these media organisations too are playing a vital role in promoting the cause of the LTTE by sympathising with the people who have been “abducted in white vans” as they say, without making any effort to find out their background.

The most amusing factor is that all these so-called abductions have been perpetrated by people arriving in white vans. According to Government Defence Affairs Spokesman Minister Keheliya Rambukwella, the idea is to give the impression that Government and the Security Forces are behind these so-called abductions.
What should be uppermost in the public mind at this moment is to see whether there was any complaint from a single political party or organisation to suppress them as had happened during the terror period in the late 1980’s. So far no political party or organisation had made any complaint against the Government. The only worrying factor they were having is the so-called abductions.

When going deeper into these allegations, it is obvious that the LTTE was indirectly behind these agitations though several organisations are in the front line.The prime aim of the LTTE is to prevent the Security Forces and the Police from arresting suspected LTTE cadres who had arrived in the South from various parts of the Wanni with ulterior motives. The LTTE made use of Southern politicians and also the Sinhala civilian organisations so effectively to cover up their attempt to launch a surprise attack on the Colombo Port.
These politicians and civil organisations coupled with certain media organisations are still making an effort to blame the Navy saying they have fired upon innocent fishermen.

In fact, they are still playing to the tune of the LTTE managed campaign, to cover up their plan which they launched using the fishermen to guide the LTTE boats to the Colombo Port. However, the Navy still stands firm that the arrests made by them were correct given the number of weapons recoveries they made after the detection of the boat. It is high time for the public to think twice before jumping to hasty conclusions about the steps taken by the Security Forces and the Police and keep faith in them since they have so far taken the correct measures to strengthen the security of civilians. And they should be grateful to the Security Forces and the Police for taking effective measures for creating a more secure environment for a peaceful life.

India Responsible for Dividing Sri Lanka, Training LTTE Terrorists - JR ...

India Responsible for Dividing Sri Lanka, Training LTTE Terrorists - JR former SL President 1985. In 1985, during an Interview with BBC former President of Sri Lanka MR. J R Jayawardene says that India is training Tamil Tigers (LTTE terrorists) in India to capture Sri Lanka. India is accountable for more than 200,000 civilian deaths in Sri Lanka and directly  caused two civil wars (LTTE (1982-2009) & JVP (1988-1990) ) in Sri Lanka. The LTTE was defeated in 2009, still India causes Eelam tension in Sri Lanka by Tamil Nadu politicians and Tamils/ fishermen. video link

0:00 BBC:Rajiv (India PM) attempts to force him to sit down and negotiate with Tigers (LTTE terrorists).

0:06 JR: I think we can deal with them. But we need the sympathy of the world, we need the support of India. Because their (Tamil Tigers) training camps are in India, they have been trained in India, and they are operating from India. They move about freely in India. And I dont think they should allow to do that, to use violence against as a friendly state.

0:23 But thats how you feel about it. But within Sri Lanka you have no alternative BUT to fight the guerrillas until you defeat them militarily?

0:29 JR: Until they give up arms, yes. Nothing else I can do.

0:34 BBC: But the danger would be that in the process of defeating them militarily supposing that you can do it, then you are alienating a lot of Tamil opinion. Which at least these people are Tamils. No we dont want them to be killed.

0:44 JR: I dont think so. I think am not afraid of alienating Tamil opinion. I am afraid of alienating public opinion of the world, your country (British) and other countries including large section in India have a wrong impression of what is happening there (Sri Lanka) as an Ethnic conflict. It is not an ethnic conflict, it is a conflict of one people who wants to capture the "whole of Sri Lanka". Not a portion. "The whole of Sri Lanka" and make it a Marxist sate.

In 1987 Sri Lanka's former President Mr J.R.Jayewardene was pushed by India. India Invaded Sri Lanka's air apace by sending Kfir fighter jets dropping weapons (LTTE) and food to North-Eeast of Sri Lanka.

(New York Times, June 03, 1987) SRI LANKA THREATENS TO HALT INDIAN BOATS BEARING TAMIL RELIEF. Sri Lanka and India appeared headed for a confrontation tonight as the Government here ordered its armed forces to intercept a shipment of supplies from India to ethnic Tamils in the north.

Brushing off the Sri Lankan threats, India proceeded with preparations for the delivery of ''humanitarian assistance'' by an unarmed flotilla of 20 fishing boats scheduled to leave the southern Indian port of Rameswaram on Wednesday morning.

India said it had warships stationed on the Indian side of the Palk Strait, which separates the two countries, ready to move if the Sri Lankans tried to stop the shipment. ''If they try to stop those boats, God help them,'' an Indian official said.

Subsequent in August 1987, Sri Lanka had to agree with India due pressure on Sri Lanka and no support from International community. The prime minister of India Rajiv Gandhi came to Sri Lanka to bring about a solution to the Tamil armed problem which was ceated by India. Indo-Lanka Peace accord was signed in 1987 against the will of the nation and the Government. Rajiv Gandhi was hit by  Navy sailor's riffle butt while Rajiv was inspecting the Guard of Honour. As a result of Indo-Lanka Peace Accord (1987) the IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Forces) was sent in to Sri Lanka by India. The peace accord was very unpopular among the Sri Lankan folks. A civil war erupted between Govt abd JVP in South killing over 60,000 Sinhalese people while LTTE war in North during 1988-1990).

In 1990 President Sri Lanka R. Premadasa and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi were murdered by LTTE suicide bombers.

In 2009 under the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa Sri Lankan Security forces defeated LTTE and the day of victory was announces on 19th May 2009.

ඇමරිකානු කොටි ජාලයෙන් ශ්‍රී ලංකා

Read http://www.divaina.com/2010/09/05/defence.html

No victor has ever been tried before a War Crimes Tribunal - Dr. Kohana with BBC Hard Talk

No victor has ever been tried before a War Crimes Tribunal



Foreign Secretary and newly appointed Permanent Representative to the UN Dr. Palitha Kohona speaks to Hard Talk about the new challenges facing the country following the defeat of the LTTE.

There’s now evidence that KP not only procured arms for the LTTE but for other illegal and terrorist organizations in the world.

Q: The Sri Lankan government very successfully carried out the capture of the man called ‘Asia’s biggest human right’s violator’, this is seen largely as a positive direction in weakening the LTTE global network. How useful has the information received from him turning out to be in this process?

The capture of KP was certainly a major boost for the government. Now we have in our custody the man who succeeded Prabhakaran to the leadership of the LTTE and the one who had access to the LTTE’s criminal network. The LTTE had a major illicit trading empire which included drug running, gun running and people smuggling. KP was both in the centre of this as well as the major procurer of arms for the LTTE. There’s now evidence that he, not only procured arms for the LTTE but for other illegal and terrorist organizations in the world. So capturing KP was a major blow to the LTTE, but this doesn’t necessarily mean that its overseas structure has been crippled. There are many other elements who work for the LTTE and are still roaming around especially in the western countries. We have information on them and we hope to work with friendly governments in order to bring those persons within the law. As long as these persons remain free the LTTE’s criminal network will continue to function where intimidation, illegal fund raising and extortion will continue to flourish. So it is important to bring these other criminals also to book as soon as possible.

Q:As the Chief Arms dealer KP under Prabhakaran was also in charge of setting up and coordinating the LTTE overseas branches. And as the man behind the raising of funds, buying arms and shipping them so successfully, for a large part of the group’s military his contribution for the growth of the LTTE is not small. In your opinion how serious a crime are these and what form of legal action would you ideally see taking place against him?

Some of these things he’s alleged to have done are criminal activities, and therefore the full force of the law will have to bear on him. But I will leave the details to the more competent, to deal with the legal aspects.

Q:Would you say there was a change in the attitude of the global intelligence agencies following the defeat of the LTTE in Sri Lanka?

At certain times we ourselves were a little confused about the attitude of certain countries, especially certain friendly countries, because we couldn’t understand the vehemence with which they appeared to want to rescue the remnants of the LTTE, forgetting that this country had suffered for 27 years from terrorism. There wasn’t a single day in those years when a child could go to school without the parents fearing for their safety or people to work without worrying if they will return alive. Terrorism was pervasive in this society and the LTTE was at the root of it. Here we were on the verge of eliminating this group and certain countries were calling for a cessation of hostilities ostensibly to save the civilians. But the government itself succeeded in saving the vast majority of the civilians without much harm coming to them, despite the fact that it was the LTTE that had herded those civilians as a human shield. So this did cause some consternation in our ranks and we still do not understand the motive behind this. I find it very difficult to believe that it was only the humanitarian angle for the simple reason that the government’s clearly stated goal was to save the people who were held hostage by the LTTE. In any other situation I’m sure the world would have supported without any hesitation what the government was doing. But in this case there was all this ambivalence which caused us much confusion. But thankfully that episode is over and the great majority of the people held hostage are rescued and they are in government care and the LTTE is no more. Our goal now is to re-establish our relations with all the countries with whom we had enjoyed good relations in the past. We will work at it and will try to explain the reasons for what we did and when we did it. Again I must underline the fact that this country suffered from terrorism for a long time and our goal was to end that suffering. You can already see the results; just beyond here there are children playing on the Galle Face Green once again. When was the last time we saw that. I think the transformation brought about by the proactive policy adopted by the government in dealing with the LTTE has borne fruit already within a short period and I’m sure all the other issues that people are criticising us for will be resolved in the same manner.

Q:Are you saying that the pressure brought about by some of these countries have lessened now?

I think the pressure by and large is much less now, but I get the impression that some elements are trying to scratch that old wound and continue to seek to rectify whatever they failed to do, in the days leading up to the end of the conflict. We have seen the latest report by the Amnesty International which is so replete with inaccuracies. It is almost unbelievable. The way that they have compiled that report, and the manner in which an alien cultural framework has been imposed to pass judgment, have got their facts wrong, and also concocted certain facts and situations, make me wonder where this Amnesty International has gone. It used to be a respected organization.

Q:So who is really at fault in that aspect? Is it the failure of our own Missions in those countries that have failed to counter the propaganda that have so successfully come out of the LTTE funded members of the Tamil Diaspora?

I think there is a combination of factors. First and foremost there are those in the West who still feel that Asians and Africans can’t get anything right without their assistance. I have to be very blunt about it, I’ve lived in the West for 25 years and I do understand their thinking. So when we did not respond to their views I think there was a feeling of being let down, so that feeling of disenchantment continues. Secondly the LTTE and its apologists have continued to feed a certain line to the liberal minded Westerners. And they have very happily adopted this line because the liberal mindset is intrinsically inclined towards the ostensible underdog. They tend to champion the causes of the oppressed and the discriminated or even ostensibly discriminated. So this was a happy combination of circumstances for the LTTE. The LTTE’s stories were happily lapped up by certain elements of the liberal west.

Then thirdly, of course we have to work hard as a government and as a Foreign Ministry to convey our message to these elements in the West. And when we say we I should not limit this just to the Foreign Service. The LTTE has no Foreign Service but it does manage to get its message very successfully to the West. There are thousands of Sri Lankans in the West who appear to be happy to leave everything to the government. There are of course others who have worked tirelessly on behalf of the country despite living abroad. We need to get our message across to the world in a much more organized and consolidated manner so that the disinformation continuing to be propagated by the LTTE and its sympathizers can be nullified to some extent. As I said before the current mindset is a result of a combination of factors and not a result of one single element.

Q:Analysts believe that with the intelligence developed by debriefing K.P., the Sri Lankan government should be able to dismantle the entire international network of the LTTE. But would you say enough is being done by your representatives in these countries to nab the LTTE fund collectors and ensure that they are either prosecuted or extradited to Sri Lanka for trial?

It is never enough. We are working hard but we need to do more because there are times when your best is not enough. We have those working here very hard, doing late hours, and I do know that our missions diligently do as they are asked to do and work very hard but we still need to do more to ensure that the remnants of the LTTE are not allowed to gain life and rid the world of this scourge.

Q:How much harder is this task made with the refusal by certain countries to support your work? Would you say this has also been a contributing factor?

The vast majority of the countries supported our work solidly and we received absolutely and unqualified support from countries like India, Pakistan, China and Russia and the Asian region and some further afield, not just to support our task but also in the Human Rights Council. The Sri Lankan resolution won handsomely in the UN Council and those who championed the opposite view were disgraced literally. There was a clear message sent to the international community that Sri Lanka’s cause was not something to be sneered at but applauded. And that message went across very clearly from the Human Rights Council and I hope this message is heard ad taken seriously by those concerned.

Q:How much a concern would these calls of being tried for war crimes etc be today as opposed to the pressures the government felt during the UN resolution?

I think these are misguided messages for the simple reason that if you look at the history of war crimes there isn’t one instance where a winner of a war has been tried before a Tribunal. They have always been set up for losers. And if you were to take winners then the start would have to be taken elsewhere. Sri Lanka did not drop atom bombs or destroy entire cities during the war. I think these are just misguided and it is far better if we left these emotional comments aside and get back to rebuilding our society and reconciling our people and getting back to life.

Q:Similar arrests are expected of LTTE activists in the US, Canada, Australia, Europe, India and even in Scandinavia and very likely also in Norway in the coming year. What special difficulties do you foresee especially in the Scandinavian countries given their continued support towards the LTTE? How can you ensure that these countries are no longer made safe havens for senior LTTErs?

We will continue to work with them. I would never say there was no support. I wouldn’t say that the LTTE was ever endorsed by Norway; they were the acknowledged facilitator of the peace talks and their argument was that as facilitator it was not in a position to take sides. Our goal it to get all our friends on board to get back to our old friendships before terrorism raised its head.

Q:A statement issued by US Assistant Secretary of State Bob Blake following a meeting with the Tamil Diaspora in the US, had gone on to recommend that the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil diaspora community in America should ‘engage one another on political reconciliation and reconstruction’. What in your opinion is the necessity to ‘engage’ the Tamil diaspora in the US when the more practical approach would have been to directly engage in talks with the Tamils living in Sri Lanka’s North and East? Is this a situation that the government is comfortable with?

I have my own views on that. The government has engaged expatriate Tamils in a very constructive manner. The government in February brought in a representative group of Tamils with whom we had a dialogue for 2 days. We continue to do that. Every time the Foreign Minister or I go overseas we make it a point to talk to Tamil representatives, especially in countries where there is a large concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils. We continue to do that in the hope that we may win back as many of our people. Our approach has succeeded to a great deal. Today we have many Tamils inquiring about investing in Sri Lanka about recovering their lost properties. I learnt from the BOI recently that there are 31 buildings coming up in Colombo all being built by expat Tamil people. Our efforts to engage them is certainly bearing fruit. Of course there is an element that will continue to harbour hatred towards Sri Lanka. They were the militants, who supported the LTTE and terrorized their own people to collect funds for the LTTE. Today there is no reason for their existence so they will continue to exert unnecessary pressure. So my response to Ambassador Blake is that we will continue to engage the Tamils and we hope that may will return. They may not all come here to live.

The other point s that there is this thinking that all our problems can be solved by applying a political solution. I fail to see the logic behind this. Every successive government tried such a political solution but each approach was rejected by the LTTE. When we know through experience that every effort failed not through a failure to try but despite all efforts it is a little superficial to suggest that a political solution will solve all our problems. So I’m not particularly convinced about this approach.

The suggestion appears to be that there is a problem with the Tamil people. Again I don’t subscribe to that. The problem was with the LTTE and not the Tamil speaking people. If there were a problem with them why have 54% of the entire Tamil speaking people of this country migrated to Sinhala speaking areas? They did it on their own. If they had a problem why did they voluntarily come to these areas? I think it is a wrong construction to assume that the problems in Sri Lanka were constructed of some political vacuum.

If we can treat all people with dignity and give everyone equal opportunity we don’t have to worry about the political solution. Anyway where are we going to apply this solution? Are we going to do that to the 54% of those living in and around Colombo or those in the North and East? In the North the entirety of the Tamil population is 750,000. There were 300,000 in the Wanni area who are now in the camps. There’s no one outside the Wanni area. The total number in the Jaffna peninsula is miniscule compared to the rest of the island. I think it is easy to suggest that a political problem will solve, when, even if we have problems, they are certainly not in an political form. Like in every other country people have problems with job opportunities or getting children to school etc. We need to address them but not through an ethnic approach but by giving everyone an equal opportunity.

Q:Then how should we treat the All Party Representative Committee process that is seeking such a solution?

The APRC process was begun to look at certain changes to the Constitution. These will be changes that will have the endorsement of the bulk of the political spectrum of the country. That was the objective behind setting up the APRC so that the government could carry the vast majority of the people with it with the changes envisaged. We made the mistake in the past of trying to impose the solution from the top. But on this occasion President decided that any changes would carry the majority support.

Q:The Indian High Commissioner’s message in Colombo on the occasion of the Independence Day conveyed that a "broad-based political settlement" of the ethnic conflict would enable the Rs.500-crore relief, reconstruction and rehabilitation package for the displaced. Does this mean the relief and reconstruction package would come only when a broad based political settlement is in place?

I don’t think. India has been very supportive of our issues. We are confident of this support. Their own suggestion is that we should implement the 13th amendment. And the President has said he will. I don’t think India has gone beyond that in their discussions.

Q: How do you see the continued ‘concern’ shown by the international community towards the situation of the IDP’s?

The cross party delegation from the House of Commons publicly said that these camps were better than they had seen elsewhere. I think its phenomenal that we have been able to provide housing, food and medical care within such a short period. This achievement can’t be compared with any other situation in the world. Outsiders are just finding new reasons for finding fault with us. The latest is the rains. Of course the conditions would deteriorate. When the government asked the international agencies in paving the paths and roads in the camps they refused on grounds that these would be converted to permanent camps. Today the same agencies are complaining that the roads are unusable. The same with the lavatories. They will continue to criticize us because they’re determined to continue that bitterness and hatred.

http://www.dailymirror.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=58610

The Times mirrors the Tigers

Posted on July 14th, 2009
Rajiva Wijesinha Secretary General Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process
The international community was horrified by news reports in the Times of London on July 9th 2009 that over 1400 people were dying each week in Welfare Centres in Sri Lanka. The Times continues to conceal its sources. This time the allegation is attributed to ‘Senior international aid figures’, though the figure was decried as ‘Ridiculous’ by the UN Resident Coordinator in Colombo.

An even more ‘senior international aid figure’ Sir John Holmes was even more contemptuous of sensationalistic journalism, when he pointed out that Sri Lanka had won a war which many foreign journalists had come out to cover, and therefore they had to produce something, to justify themselves.

Thus the Channel 4 stories of rape and sexual abuse and the Guardian Chamberlain assertion that 13 women had been found with short haircuts and slit throats. The Times however has gone further than all these, in conducting a sustained vitriolic campaign against the Sri Lankan government with no regard for either truth or logic. Their use of language too, though skilful, exemplifies their determination to distort, as when they tried to attribute to the UN their claim that there had been over 20,000 civilian deaths during the conflict against the Tigers. And they are obviously terrified of anyone who might contradict them, for they said falsely, in a wholly fraudulent article on May 21st, that ‘The Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, which set up the camps, did not return calls asking for comment yesterday’.

I then wrote to the Editor as follows – ‘In the first place, this Ministry is not responsible for setting up the camps, though we are responsible for protection issues in them. Secondly, May 20th was a public holiday, so perhaps you could ask your correspondent which number he called, at which he left a message asking for comment on his story. You should also ask him why he did not call me on my mobile, on which another correspondent of yours interviewed me at length in February, only to produce a report very different from that of the Indian correspondent who was in my room at the time and listened to the interview.

The substance of the article indicates why your correspondent feared to contact either me or my Minister, who tells me he was called up on the 21st, and answered queries on this subject, well after you had gone to print.

Of course I did not get a reply, and the Times absolutely refused to meet me when I was in England a couple of weeks later, though four other newspapers found time for me at short notice. Channel 4 and Sky News also dodged, though the BBC kindly slotted me in. But refusal to allow access is of course a well known dodge, which the Times attributes to its enemies whilst sedulously practicing this itself.

In short, the Times gets away with lies and refusal to engage or discuss when they come across someone who actually knows what is going on. But such cowardice is understandable in view of the scattershot way they produce arguments.

Initially they declared that they had got to a figure of 20,000 by adding – to the 7,000 they claimed the UN had reported from the beginning of the year until April – an average of 1000 a day for the first couple of weeks in May. This begged the question that the 7,000 had only been found in what were claimed to be leaks from the UN, and that nowhere else were there allegations of 1000 deaths a day in May. Indeed the Tamilnet accounts, which would generally present what might be termed the worst case scenario, alleged far fewer casualties.

Later the Times changed its story to claim that the figure of 20,000 was based on extrapolations from the number of bodies brought in to health centres, though they also noted that they multiplied the actual bodies brought in by five or so to reach their figure of 20,000.

Now, six weeks later, assuming their readers would have forgotten their earlier pitiful justifications, with Sir John Holmes also categorically rejecting the sleight of hand by which they had sought to associate the UN with their lies, they have yet another explanation for their nonsensical assertion. This time they declare that ‘Subsequent aerial photographs of beach graves, revealed in The Times, suggested that the figure was more than 20,000.’

So they now admit that their first mathematical calculations, based on a fraudulent UN figure for four months with a whimsical average for two weeks thereafter was nonsense. They also doubtless hope that no one will notice that the aerial photographs they rely on are of beach graves, whereas most of the fighting before May took place far away from that beach.

They also admit that their next exercise in mathematical fraud, multiplying bodies they themselves never saw to reach the number they first thought of, was also a lie. How the beach graves they revealed amount to the figure they now only suggest is not explained. Instead that figure will simply become a statistic to lurk behind their latest lie, 1,400 deaths a week in the camps, amounting to over 15,000 now if they started counting from the time of the great exodus, when the Sri Lankan forces managed to rescue over 100,000 of those held by the Tigers.

No wonder then that one senior Sri Lankan journalist said, ‘I have serious doubts over the latest statements. What we’re seeing is that the LTTE (the Tigers) and the Times are in some respects mirror images of each other.’ Senior incidentally is one of the words the Times uses when it wants to pretend that someone who said what it wanted said is in fact respectable. They trot out phrases like senior journalist and senior international aid worker to clothe their nakedness, hoping that then other papers will take up the claim and ignore that the only evidence for the bizarre lies the Times produces is the fertile imagination of Times journalists.

Rajiva Wijesinha
Secretary General
Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process

Why could we not defeat LTTE for 25 years?

(By: A Retired Major General)
Last modified on: 6/29/2009 11:34:19 AM

All members of the security forces, past and present, and all citizens of this country no doubt are happy and celebrating the defeat of the LTTE, the most ruthless terrorist organization in the world, that had been a scourge not only to our country but the world for the past three decades.

Some Western nations must be unhappy that the lever they utilized to destabilize our nation is no more available for them. Locally, the stooges of those powers with vested interests too are unhappy since their peace wagon has got bogged down and off road for ever and they are unable to enjoy the free rides anymore. I have observed many of the past Commanders of all three forces who failed to achieve victory when they were at the helm of power also were among them to achieve their goals through peace means

Many a writer, including some armchair Generals has written to the press and come live on TV to tell us how the current Commanders have won the war, but none has explained why past Commanders could not or would not win the war when the LTTE was much weaker and was not well-established. If they won, perhaps, we would have saved the lives of thousands of youth of both sides and billions of rupees of our National wealth. That included the personal properties of our citizens of the North and South, and the valuable infrastructure facilities. When the North and East was burning, the retired Generals, Admirals and Air Marshals were discussing at various forums how to solve the National problem through peace negotiations, rather than advising the Commanders how to win the war in which they were inextricably engaged in. To me, it looked awkward, discouraging and meaningless in that needy hour.

Let us see why those Commanders failed to forge an end through military means when they were in power. First and foremost was the unnecessary political interference which came in many forms. Some politicians with connections with the security of the country had vested interests and were working towards achieving their aims of making money through purchase of arms and equipment for the Army, Navy and Air Force. Some Security Force Commanders who did not have the backbone either kept quiet and said yes to whatever the deals approved by the politicians, with the connivance and support of the bureaucrats in the Ministries. They too amassed wealth here and abroad. The troops in the front lines had to bear the brunt of it by getting killed using sub-standard arms and equipment and flying in obsolete aircraft bought through questionable shady deals.

Some top brass were hauled before the High Courts after their retirement and were even arrested and kept in remand. Others who still had the political backing either escaped through their cunning manoeuvring of technical points or using their ill-earned wealth by bribing politicians of the era. Thousands of troops sacrificed their lives in the arid battle fields like Pooneryn and Mullaitivu or plunged into the sea in aircraft that did not have even anti-missile protection.

Next, political interference was the denial of required manpower, arms and equipment to the Operation Commanders, quoting that the government did not have sufficient funds.

Whenever there was a respite in the war, the process of recruiting and continuous training of troops were abruptly stopped which is against all principles of maintaining combat readiness even during peace time. Once the war resumed, the field commanders were ordered to manage with what they had until the recruitment and training was complete to launch them to battle. This is what the President clearly understood through the wise counsel of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the battle hardened brother of His Excellency. Gotabaya never subjected the Service Commanders or the front line Operational Commanders to such humiliating predicament and maintained the clear cut aim of defeating the LTTE and relentlessly worked towards achieving that aim despite opposition from many quarters as well as adverse international pressure. I am certain that the Service Commanders also insisted on their own requirements forcefully without wilting to the pressure of the financial constraints which the past Commanders did not do.

I have observed that when the senior service officers were getting professionally qualified and matured towards the end of the careers, their aim was to become the Head of the Service which is quite natural. The way they set about achieving it was not in keeping with the prime interests of the country. Invariably, many past Commanders of Services became "yes men" so that they approved anything the politicians wanted done irrespective of whether they were correct or not and injurious to the National interests.

Coming back to the political interference, at one stage, a politician planned the operations to win the elections. He insisted that an objective or an area be captured before the Provincial Council Elections. The Operational Commanders short of time, manpower and equipment either reluctantly agreed knowing that the operation would fail. The Service Commanders never intervened and advised the politicians not to pursue it, since they did not want to lose the command and the ambassadorial appointment they were dreaming of. Those Operation Commanders who did not want to sacrifice their principles as well as the troops who disagreed with the political big-wigs were sidelined and sent out of the service, sometimes ignominiously.
Old school, clanism and favouritism affected the operational efficiency of the Services. If a Service Commander's successor was from the same Regiment or same clan or the same school and of the same colour, well, he was the one to command the service and he was trained and groomed accordingly without taking into his consideration IQ or combat efficiency and professional competency. He was groomed in such a way that he naturally became an "yes man" as happened to our administrative bureaucracy, which is at the bottom of the administration mess today. This was what ailed the services which contributed to the failure of past Commanders, who almost ended up with Diplomatic appointments. Only a few obviously corrupted ones were denied this perk.

Commanders of this calibre never had the determination and the National aim of defeating the LTTE on top of their career agendas. Their aim was to command the Service and end up an Ambassador and to hell with the Nation.
The handing over of weapons and money to the LTTE by the highest political authority in the country was one of the biggest blunders that was unopposed and approved by the Army Commander and a Secretary of Defence who too were Three and Four Star Generals, both of whom knew that it was wrong and injurious and detrimental to the National security. The same duo approved even a worse blunder of handing over 600 policemen in the East to the LTTE, who drained them of their blood, butchered and buried them in mass graves. How could a Commander of this calibre and their front line Operational Commanders win the war when they supported the enemy which amounted to treason? Those top brass are basking in the glow of glory with medals and honours now. What a shame.

I believe the above facts would suffice to show readers why the war was not won for 25 years, under the corrupted. bias and inefficiency of politicians, and Service Commanders. I must congratulate and admire the present Service Commanders and the frontline Operation Commanders who were not malaised with the plagues enumerated above but received unstinted support and encouragement from the Commander-in-Chief of Services as well as his brother, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, that won the historic victory for Sri Lanka.

This account is incomplete without a word of praise to General Sarath Fonseka, who is not a favourite of a group or a clan but a valiant soldier who achieved his aim through determination and perseverance. He is rewarded for choosing front line Commanders who joined the Army in the infancy of the LTTE and grew up getting battered and hardened along with the growing LTTE which grew almost to a conventional Army with air and sea wings. Giving credit to international situation and their attitude towards Sri Lanka for annihilation and defeat of the LTTE to me is belittling of valiant achievement of Sons of Sri Lanka

Source: http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20090629_02

The politics of postwar Sri Lanka

Saturday, 27 June 2009

By Dayan Jayatilleka

As Paul Berman once wrote, "somewhere in the world it is always 1941". There comes a time in the life of every society when it is faced with an existential threat or challenge. It is the social forces or elements that rise up to this challenge and successfully overcome this threat that then have the power as well as the legitimacy to place their stamp on what comes after. Those who stood on the wrong side of history, or never rose to the occasion, or who abandoned the struggle partway, or simply failed; the defeated enemy, the collaborators, the appeasers and the fence-sitters — and these are not one and the same — all forfeit the chance to place their values, ideas and programs as the leading ones of the social order that follows the great test.

The truths are threefold. The truth is that the Tigers and the Tamil ultra-nationalists overestimated themselves and underestimated the Sinhalese, due to arrogance and racism. The last stage of the war saw a titanic clash of wills, between, on the one hand, the Tigers, the Tamil Diaspora and overseas Tamils from Canada to Chennai, their Western supporters and the Western media, and on the other, the Sinhala people, the armed forces, the Rajapakse leadership, a thin stratum of heroic Tamil rebels against Prabhakaran, and several friendly states. The Balasinghams wrote a book about the Tamil Eelam struggle with a neo-Nietzschean title, The Will to Freedom. The truth is that from a classically Nietzschean perspective, the Sinhalese Will to Power, i.e. to "prevail over" to "overcome" (which was Nietzsche’s meaning) on and over this small island, was and will in the final analysis always be, cannot but be, greater than that of the Tamils to secede. The truth is also that the Tigers, weakened by an Eastern Tamil rebellion, were defeated by a largely Sinhalese army, sustained by the Sinhala people whose collective will refused to break under decades of suicide bombings, body bags coming home to villages and assassinations of their leaders; the Sinhalese who, this time around, like the paradigmatic Silindu in Woolf’s Village in The Jungle, finally turned on their tormentors and blew them away.

If the social bloc that dominates the UNP wished a postwar Sri Lanka of their liking they should not have repeatedly blown the chances they had of defending the country’s territorial unity, integrity and sovereignty — but blow them it did.

JR Jayewardene did want to win the war, though Lalith Athulathmudali did say that operations were intended to prove to the Tigers that they had no military option. JRJ was perhaps the only UNP president that wanted to win the war and tried to, but he and his administration did not have the basic capacity or intelligence (a) to suppress Black July ’83 (b) not to tamper with the rules of the democratic game to such a degree that it split the Sinhalese and destabilized the domestic situation and (c) to maintain the kind of political relationship with India that would have permitted it to win the war and pre-empted Indian pre-emption, so to speak.

The Premadasa presidency had an admirable degree of multiethnic, multicultural pluralism in its make up and dominant ideology but it allowed the war effort to be paralyzed by infighting within the officer corps and under-funded by bureaucrats with a possible bias or lack of commitment. It made the right decision in putting Gen Denzil Kobbekaduwe in charge of the military effort but it did not consider a military victory possible or, on balance, desirable. (I was possibly the only one in the Premadasa camp whose policy memoranda to him pushed for a military victory. This heartbreaking effort is reflected in my book The Travails of a Democracy: Unfinished war, Protracted Crisis, Vikas, New Delhi 1995).

The UNP’s final chance came with the Prime Ministership of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe who opted for a lopsided Ceasefire agreement at a time when the balance of forces had turned dramatically against the LTTE due to the successful operations of the Special Forces LRRP and the global anti-terrorist shift due to 9/11. The CFA permitted the buildup of the proto state structure of the Tigers and humiliated the Sri Lankan armed forces.

The moderate, Westernized wing of the SLFP had its chance to win the war and re-mould Sri Lanka in accordance with its more reformist pluralist ideology but it threw the chance away. The re-taking of Jaffna was vitiated by the failure to cut off the LTTE’s retreat thereby permitting the Tigers to escape together with large number of civilians, base themselves in Mullaitivu, regroup and make a dramatic comeback. The strategy was one of taking territory rather than annihilating the enemy; recruitment was negatively affected by campaigns such as Sudu Nelum, Thavalama and the efforts of NIPU etc; corruption was rampant in the sphere of procurement. Above all, there was no commitment to a strategic goal of destroying the enemy but rather to one of driving the Tigers to the negotiating table. Worst of all, Karuna’s rebellion was double-crossed and Prabhakaran’s Sea Tigers allowed to violate the CFA and land in his rear area; General Sarath Fonseka was transferred from Jaffna and placed on the shelf in charge of the Volunteers ( the Sunday Island carried many pieces by me around the time and after, vigorously criticizing the decision and arguing for his placement at the helm of our army); and the tsunami weakened Tigers were sought to be given an administrative–financial authority in the form of the PTOMS, probably as part of a deal with the TNA which would give a third term to the incumbent.

These are not the only critics of the Rajapakse administration and the postwar outcome. Others include the local and foreign NGOs comprising self–proclaimed civil society; the Churches; and the non-Tiger Tamil dissidents such the UTHR and SLDF. Had Colombo’s cosmopolitan civil society not been so totally pro-appeasement, had the churches been visibly and audibly critical of Tiger totalitarianism and exercised greater internal discipline (instead of allowing some of its clergymen to opt for Barabbas, as Fr Bernard continues to do from Mindanao), had the Tamil dissidents worked for a united front of anti-Tiger Tamils which could have launched a resistance struggle in the rear of the LTTE or backed Karuna and Douglas Devananda, who were the actually existing alternatives to the Tigers, their criticisms - pious, petulant or patronizing - of trends in postwar Sri Lanka would not have so little social legitimacy and traction. (I recall the response of an award winning Indian journalist of Tamil ethnicity who wrote a book on the war, when I praised the UTHR-J reports: "yeah, except for that Church of South India tone of preachy Protestant moralizing!")

None of this justifies any attempt by extremist lobbies to translate and degrade the victory of the Sri Lankan state, its armed forces and the people over the Tigers, a valiant victory which has the potential to be a liberation of all the peoples of the island from LTTE fascism, into an armed version, a militarized equivalent of 1956 or 1972 (the abolition of Section 29 and the formal enthronement of one language, religion and specific state form over others).Whatever their socially enabling and democratic aspects for the vast majority, both 1956 and 1972 contained for the minorities, a dimension of discrimination, domination and divisiveness.

No current critique, however trenchant, of postwar Sri Lankan trends approximates in its luminous perspicacity the following judgment:

"Separate identities have been sustained and fortified by deep antagonisms and wildly contested facts which extend over two millenia and more…Each fresh confrontation and every violent eruption becomes an instant invitation to an overpowering onrush of self-righteous recidivism, against which reason can only erect the feeblest defenses... Having co-opted the clergy, can militant Sinhalese-Buddhism rely on support from the armed services, too?... Now regional councils are coming up for air for the third (and last?) time. All the political parties are discussing the proposal, a shrewd… move to gain endorsement from a national consensus. But has political power already slipped out of the hands of politicians?"

Amazingly, these words appeared a shade over a quarter century ago in the pages of the Far Eastern Economic Review of January 26, 1984, pp22-23, and were written by Mervyn de Silva. Though a little late, I have wised-up sufficiently, not to doubt my father’s wisdom, but was this a description of some aspect of the reality at the time, or a latent tendency at any time given Sri Lankan society, history and mentality, or an early warning-cum-prediction? Only future history will tell.

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Does this mean that from a pluralist, reformist or modernist perspective all is lost either by cultural fore-ordination and teleology or by default and abdication? I would argue not necessarily, not inevitably, for three reasons, all discernible from a dialectical standpoint. These are the three potential sources of pluralist reform in postwar Sri Lanka. In ascending order of significance, the first is comprised of the Tamil allies and partners of the state and the governing party. Contrary to the crude, congruent distortions of Colombo’s liberals and their western patrons as well as the Sinhala hardliners, it is not the case that the anti-Tiger camp is monolithically and exclusively Sinhala hard-line while those who are for ethnic equality and autonomy belong to the "antiwar", "anti-state" and "antigovernment" camp. There is a strategically significant anti-Tiger, pro-state, pro-Govt Tamil stakeholder segment, which stands for equality and devolution.

The second driver of a more pluralist postwar outcome is the democratic system which includes the courts and above all, competitive elections. Municipal elections are imminent, Parliamentary elections are scheduled for the first half of next year and Northern provincial elections are unavoidably on the agenda. With proportional representation, the Tamil people will punch pretty much their demographic weight. Political space cannot but broaden, and the ensuing give-and-take is inevitable, eroding ideological blocs. Post-election, the postwar power bloc would be recomposed.

The third and final source is the external factor. Forget the unfair critics of Sri Lanka and those who tilt to the pro-Tiger Tamil Diaspora for one reason or the other. Those who stood by Sri Lanka during the war and its aftermath are crucially interested in political accommodation of the Tamil minority – with India being an obvious case in point, but by no means the only one holding this view. The statement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization led by China and Russia, which has admitted Sri Lanka as a "dialogue partner" (my regular readers, going back to the Weekend Express column may recognize that I canvassed for affiliation since its founding almost a decade ago), mentions not only "independence and sovereignty" but also "the rights of minorities".

It is the dynamic of interaction of these three factors within the anti-Tiger, "patriotic" universe, within the cosmos of the Sri Lankan state, within the power-bloc that won the war, which will make for pluralism, reform and possibly paradigm shift.

We shall need to pay heed to the views of our friends, local and foreign, as it becomes increasingly obvious that the Tiger army is destroyed but the Tiger movement or global network is still alive, a well-placed new generation of Tamil secessionists have been born overseas and have come of age, and though the war is decisively won, the protracted struggle with Tamil Tiger separatism on a world scale is hardly over. A long Cold War has just begun.

(These are the strictly personal views of the writer).

Courtesy: Island.lk

Last Updated ( Saturday, 27 June 2009 )

Men who killed Thamilselvam speak

by Shamindra Ferdinando
With the war against the LTTE spearheaded by the army coming to an end, the armed forces had discussed some of the operations undertaken by them, ranging from raids conducted by LRRP (Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols) deep inside enemy-held territory, to bloody ground assaults in the Vanni theatre.

In brief interviews with The Island, Commanding Officers of SLAF Jet Squadrons, Group Captain Sajeewa Hendawitharane (MiGs/No 12), Wing Commander Sampath Wickremeratne (F7s /No 5) and Wing Commander Shehan Fernando (Kfirs/No 10) said that they collectively caused irreparable damage to the enemy. The killing of LTTE frontliner S. P. Thamilselvam in November, 2007, close on the heels of an LTTE attack on the Anuradhapura air base had been one of the highpoints in their campaign.



Hendawitharane, who led the attack on Thamilselvan in Kilinochchi, said that the rising sun gave him in the much needed ‘cover’ to zero-in on the hideout. "I flew a MiG 27 with Shehan at the controls of an Israeli-built Kfir. We took off at 5.55 a.m. and carried out the bombing 25 minutes later taking advantage of the sun which gave perfect cover for our mission," he said. Responding to our queries, he said that they flew on a westerly direction from Iranamadu, east of A 9 and targeted the hideout with a heavy load of bombs. The then Director of Operations, Air Commodore Harsha Abeywickrema had been confident of Thamilselvam’s presence there on that day, he said, adding that Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal Roshan Goonetillike had been a tower of strength.

Hendawitharane said that he dived and manually directed four 500 kg bombs at Thamilselvam at a height of 1850 feet before the Kfir CO targeted the hideout with four 250 kg bombs. According to him, it was one of three locations identified by the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI). After a careful study of the terrain with the help of satellite imagery and pictures obtained from Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), a pair of jet flying in what Hendawitharane called Panther formation had pulverised the LTTE hideout.

He said that they were warned not to take a look at the target before hitting it to take the enemy by total surprise. Had we alerted the LTTE, Thamilselvam would have taken refuge in a bunker situated next to his hideout, he said.

The Katunayake based No 12 squadron comprises seven MiG 27s and one MiG 23 trainer acquired in two batches in 2000 and 2007. Before the formation of the No 12 squadron, Hendawitharane had been with the No 5 squadron comprising both MiGs and Chinese F7s. Hendawitharane said that during eelam war IV, his squadron carried out 854 sorties. He estimated the weight of ammunition used by his squadron against the LTTE during this period at 1071 tons.

He said that though they used general purpose ammunition against targets, particularly buildings, special ammunition (deep penetration bombs), had been directed at runways. To target runways, the MiGs had dived and bombed at a height of about 100 metres flying at a speed of 1000 kmph, he said, adding that each bomb released at that height had been fitted with a parachute to ensure flying shrapnel wouldn’t hit the bomber.

He said that the successful attack on Thamilselvam helped them to swiftly avenge the devastating attack on the Anuradhapura air base.

Commenting on an attempt jet squadrons made on LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, he said that they deployed five MiG 27s, four Kfirs and three F7s to engage two targets in the Vanni believing Prabhakaran could be at one of the locations. "Seven jets targeted an LTTE hideout at Jayanthinagar and the remaining aircraft hit Puththukudirippu," he said.

He appreciated the support and expertise received from Pakistan, China, India, Russia and Israel to enhance jet operations. "Today we are self sufficient to meet our requirements," he said, highlighting the importance of tactics developed by Sri Lankan jet pilots over the past several years.

In the final stage of the ground battles in and around Nanthi kadal lagoon, Air Chief Marshal Goonetilleke had stationed two MiGs at China bay air base. The MiG chief said that he along with Squadron Leader Asela Jayasekera flew to China bay and stayed there for three weeks. Had the Sea Tigers made an attempt to rescue Prabhakaran and his chief lieutenants, we would have swung into action before the Airforce launched jets from the Katunayake air base. Our presence at China bay would have given us a shorter reaction time, he said.

He talked proudly of an attack mounted on an LTTE artillery point at the northern most point of the Pooneryn area in place to target Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Army Chief General Sarath Fonseka on a visit to the Jaffna peninsula.

Like many other jet pilots, Hendawitharane, too, had flown Italian Siai Mrchettis, a light attack aircraft acquired in 1985. A Siai Marchetti carried two 50 kg bombs, he said, adding that Argentine-built Pucaras joined the fleet in 1993 until the introduction of shoulder filed heat seeking missiles by the LTTE in 1995.

Wing Commander Fernando, who had been an instructor with the advanced flying training wing said that his No 10 squadron comprising ten Kfirs carried out about 1,400 missions. Since the acquisition of Kfirs in 1996, the multi role aircraft had played a pivotal role in the war against the LTTE. He said that though a computerised bombing programming system was available with Kfirs, bombs had to be released manually.

He said that their forte was accurate bombing. The strike on Thamilselvam was one among many successful operations undertaken by the squadron credited with causing heavy damage to the enemy over the past three years. He said that he delivered his bomb load at Thamilselvam’s hideout seconds after Hendawitharane.

Wing Commander Sampath Wickremeratne said that Sri Lanka should have retained a jet capability. "Unfortunately we didn’t expand our capability after phasing out Hunting Percival jet provost MK 3 A and MiG 15 UTI and MiG 17. Had we retained jets instead of going for Siai Marchettis and Pucaras, the situation would have been different," he said.

He said that Sri Lanka acquired two pairs of Chinese F7s in 1991 and used them effectively against the LTTE. In January 2008, the country took delivery of four F7 GS, the most sophisticated jet in Sri Lanka’s arsenal today with in-built air interception radar, he said. It could also carry four heat seeking missiles, he said. Responding to ‘The Island’ queries, he said no other jet in service with the SLAF had this capability.

According to him, an F7 GS could carry two 500 kg bombs or four 250 kg bombs. This was contrary to the belief that all pilots had to release bombs manually.

Wickremeratne had been the second-in-command of No 10 squadron before he received the appointment as chief of No 5 squadron tasked with meeting the threat posed by Air Tigers. The squadron, which is expected to move to China bay later this year comprises eight F7s (two types) and six pilots. According to him, his squadron had carried out about 400 missions in eelam war IV.

He said that before the deployment of F7 GS, the Air Tigers carried out five strikes. After that they mounted four attacks, he said, revealing that he shot down an LTTE aircraft over Iranapalai with a Chinese heat seeking missile as the enemy plane was returning to its base. Although security forces had been unable to recover the wreckage, there was no doubt it was a successful hit, he said.

Commenting on joint operations carried out by jet squadrons, he said once they deployed ten aircraft, four MiGs, two Kfirs and four F7s to engage the LTTE forward defence line at Muhamalai.

He appreciated the support received by Pakistan to attain a high standard in jet operations.

According to him, when compared with Kfirs and MiGs and even Mi 24s, F7s could react faster. "Our reaction time is between 5 to 7 minutes," he said, adding that F7s had intercepted an LTTE aircraft flying over Wilpattu and was on its way to Colombo last year. "I intercepted the enemy on six occasions while my two colleagues, too, intercepted the aircraft each on one occasion. Although all of us had radar locks, there wasn’t enough to fire missiles, he said. There had been another miss some time later, he said. Both F7s and Mi 24s made attempts to intercept the enemy, he said. He said that though he fired a missile, there hadn’t been no contact with the approaching aircraft.

NOS JOURNAL, Dutch News Baised

“I’m a professional soldier. No politics” - Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka

Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka

Perhaps the most lucrative positions in Sri Lanka today, are those of politicians. Any person who rides a wave of popularity will, no doubt, turn that popularity to advantage, and not hesitate to enter politics. But, we found a person, an officer and a gentleman, who refuses to take the massive wave of popularity he currently rides, to entertain any political ambitions. He is none other than the Army Commander, the newly promoted General Sarath Fonseka.
He was interviewed by this columnist, especially, for The Bottom Line, and when this columnist posed the specific question to General Sarath Fonseka, whether he wished to enter politics, the response was a vehement “No. Never.”
Below is the interview General Sarath Fonseka gave this columnist:
Q: Now you have gained much popularity with the masses. You have been able to end a 30 year war within two years and 10 months. Once you retire, do you have any plans to ride on a wave of popularity wave and engage in politics?
A: No. Never. I will never engage in politics.
Q: If you are offered any political positions, will you accept any?
A: No. I will never accept such positions.
Q: Why is that?
A: Because I am a professional soldier.
Q: You were able to finish a war that raged for nearly 30 years, within a short period of 2 years and 10 months. What is the secret behind this success?
A: To win this war, I was backed by strong political leadership. Whenever there was international pressure exerted on the Government, to stop this war, President Mahinda Rajapaksa stood up to the pressure without caving in. Apart from the President, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa too, had confidence in me. They understood the enemy. Both had a good understanding.
When I was appointed Army Commander, I did the following:
I restructured the Army. I improved the Intelligence apparatus.
Enhanced training and maintained strict discipline within the Force. Thereafter, I selected capable Division, Task Force as well as Brigade commanders, not on seniority, but based on their past capabilities in the battlefield. Because, when I was at the battlefront, I had the opportunity of observing the performances of these Officers. I hand picked these Officers on their merits. I placed my confidence on them. I selected those Officers from the Army staff who had confidence in me. Most had the mentality that we cannot win this war, as had been the case in the past three Eelam Wars, because the Sri Lanka Army used traditional tactics.
For example, they concentrated only on capturing certain areas. When the Army captures one area, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) consolidates itself in another area. When I selected the Officers, my assessment of the LTTE was that, it was a conventional guerilla force. It possessed 24 artillery guns, 8-barrel and 6-barrel Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRL) and a significant number of Multi Purpose Machine Guns (MPMG). All these weapons were smuggled in by sea. Around 80% of Army casualties were due to these heavy weapons.
As Commander, all the Divisions and Task Forces I created were under my direct command. I opened two fronts in the East, and instructed my troops to kill the maximum number of terrorists as well as leaders, as they could. While offensive operations were on in the East, according to my concept, Special Infantry Operations Teams (SIOT) and Special Forces (SF) Commandos, as small teams, infiltrated enemy lines and killed as many LTTE cadres and leaders as possible in the northeast as well. After we liberated the Eastern sector, I deployed three Divisions – 57, 58 and 59 Divisions, Special Forces and Commandos along three sectors.
This particular concept is new to the theory of warfare. I identified the enemy and prepared the operational plans. I had my troops attack the main terrorist strong points. When the strong points were attacked, naturally, the terrorists were weakened.
Even as the battles were on, 15,000 Sergeants and Corporals were commissioned as Officers. When the Officers and soldiers saw the progress in the battlefront, their confidence of winning this war grew by leaps and bounds.
There was a lot of criticism from certain sections of the media and individuals. They said I would not win this war. But I had the confidence that it could be done. I was confident that I could finish this war within three years. As I had mentioned last year, I did not leave this war to my successor to carry out. Like I said, I did it.
Q: What are the casualty figures from the Sri Lanka Army? Deaths and wounded ?
A: From the Sri Lanka Army, 190 Officers and 5,200 soldiers sacrificed their lives to liberate the country from the terrorists. Also, 27,000 Officers and soldiers were wounded, of which, 5,000 are permanently disabled. Of the 27,000 casualties, 80% were mainly due to the LTTE’s artillery firepower.
Q: What are the LTTE’s casualty figures?
A: We killed 22,000 terrorists including their leaders. Another 9,000 have surrendered. Based on civilian information from within the IDP camps, we were able to arrest another 4,000 more. And we are hunting them, if there are any left.
Q: What is the strength of the Army right now?
A: Currently, the Army is 200,000 strong. And it will be increased.
Q: You want to further strengthen the Army. What are your plans for this?
A: The plans for expansion are military secrets. The Sri Lanka Army is currently doing a research regarding its various objectives and requirements.
Although terrorism has been eradicated in Sri Lanka, Eelam extremists are present in Sri Lanka and also worldwide. I call them ‘Eelamists’. When there is a strong Army, nobody can interfere with the sovereignty of our country. A strong Army is essential for a country’s stability. In the liberated areas, we have already set up camps. When the Army is strong, there is no way for terrorism to raise its head.
Q: The war is over now. Or, we can safely assume it is so, and we do not foresee any threats. How are you going to utilise this massive force of 200,000 for the country’s development?
A: Even when the war was ongoing in the North, we constructed the roads and bridges in the East, which was liberated. At the moment, we are constructing some roads in the East. So, according to Government requirements, the Army will utilise its Engineering Regiments to develop and construct buildings, roads, bridges, etc.
Q: How about the Intelligence apparatus? This aspect cannot be seen by the public. After being appointed Commander, you said you were going to improve the Intelligence arm and Training for military personnel?
A: We do have a strong and vibrant Intelligence capability at the moment. They are doing a proper job. The Navy said it sank 10 LTTE arms ships. Out of those 10, eight were purely on Intelligence provided by the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI).
Because of our Intelligence capabilities, we were able to prevent several major disasters that may have rocked Colombo city as well as economic targets. Also, based on our Intelligence, the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) was able to destroy many LTTE positions. One such classic example is the aerial targeting of a building in the North, which killed the LTTE’s political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan. This attack was based on Intelligence provided by the DMI.
The SLAF gave us very good support. It transported nearly a million of our troops during this battle, and also supported us in evacuating casualties as well as bringing in supplies. Whenever necessary, it gave us the required firepower with its MI 24 helicopter gun-ships and fighter jets. It also provided the UAV link to Colombo and the offensive Divisions, which were really helpful in our operations.
Q: This war is over, is the Training process for Officers and soldiers still continuing?
A: The Training will continue. That is how an Army works. That is, a professional Army. Even during the height of the battles, young Officers from the battlefront were given quality Training at the Diyatalawa Academy and the Kotelawela Defence Academy. These Officers were the ones that confronted the enemy. And the soldiers were trained at several Training centers. Their Training played a crucial part in winning this war.
Q: When you were appointed Commander of the Army, you said you will not tolerate corruption within the Army. At the moment, what is the level of corruption in the Army, if any?
A: You can’t change people overnight. I have already started to wipe out corruption within the Army. Not from bottom to top. I have started from the top and am going to the bottom.
I can give you examples. I court marshaled a Major General and sent home. Another is being court marshaled. Our intelligence was able to nab two Majors with links to the LTTE. One was court marshaled and sentenced to death. But the President commuted the sentence to life imprisonment. The other Major’s case is proceeding.
If corruption is found, until charges are proved, I allocate the Officer concerned to the ‘Common Stream’ and withhold his promotions and privileges. Court marshal will act according to Military law
Each and every complaint will be inquired into by the Military Police and, if there are any allegations against any Officers, we will definitely take necessary action. I will not tolerate any corrupt Officers within the Army. Every transaction by the Sri Lanka Army has been transparent.
Q: Are you happy with the institutions that train Army personnel? The Cadet School, the Defence Academy etc?
A: Yes, they are doing a good job of training.
Q: Sri Lanka is perhaps the first country to eliminate terrorism. Even the West has been unable to do such a thing. Are you going to set up a Counter Terrorism Institute in Sri Lanka?
A: We already have a Counter-Terrorism Training Division at our Training centres.
Q: Have any foreign countries requested the Sri Lanka Army to train their military personnel?
A: There are some countries which have approached us with such requests.
Q: If you are offered the position of Chief of Defence Staff, will you accept it?
A: If it is offered, yes, I will accept it.
Q: Is the LTTE’s intelligence head Pottu Amman in Military custody?
A: Well, if he is in our custody, then, we will say he is in our custody.
Q: Has Pottu Amman’s body been recovered?
A: We recovered the bodies of Pottu Amman’s two sons, both self-styled LTTE ‘colonels’. And when our intelligence members arrested some LTTE intelligence cadres, they confirmed Pottu Amman’s death.
Q: Why was the Army unable to recover or identify Pottu Amman’s body?
A: There were some bodies which were beyond recognition and some were decomposed, Pottu Amman’s body along with them
Q: Are there more active LTTE cadres around?
A: Yes, there are still some within the jungle areas. I have sent two battalions of Commandos and Special Forces to hunt them, and they too, will be eliminated. Recently, we killed 11 such cadres in Ampara.
Q: Your troops recovered many bodies of Tiger cadres. Did they ever come across any who had committed suicide by swallowing cyanide capsules?
A: Only one female Tiger cadre bit her cyanide capsule, after being shot and injured. She died.
Q: Didn’t Velupillai Prabhakaran bite his cyanide capsule?
A: Prabhakaran had a cyanide capsule in his pocket. He was not wearing it around his neck, like all Tiger cadres are supposed to do.
Q: What news do you have regarding Prabhakaran’s wife, daughter Dvaragha and his younger son?
A: Prabhakaran’s wife, his younger son and daughter have slipped away by sea. This fact was confirmed by the Defence Ministry’s Intelligence Advisor Major General C. Seneviratne. Knowing that Prabhakaran too, will attempt to escape via the sea route, I specifically instructed the Army’s 58 and 59 Divisions to link up at Puthumathalan ‘No Fire’ Zone , so as to cut off this escape route.
Q: Do you possess any information regarding any support by the Sinhalese in the South for the LTTE?
A: There are. Our intelligence personnel are looking for traitors. They have helped the LTTE, purely for financial gains.
Q: Though the war is over, there are still checkpoints and barriers in and around Colombo. The public may ask why they are being maintained, if the war is over. Your response?
A: Although the terrorist leadership has been wiped out, there may still be suicide cadres around. The threat still prevails. So, as the security situation improves and intelligence confirms that there are no more threats, these checkpoints and barriers will be gradually removed. I have handpicked the Officers to handle the security in and around Colombo. I want to ensure that the postwar period is as normal as possible.
Q: Have you advised the public against visiting the Yala National Park?
A: No. Yala is already open to the public, and there are visitors there even now. I have provided good security in the region, by stationing a whole Battalion there.
Q: As Army Commander, what is your message to the public?
A: I say a very big “thank you” to the public, for the massive support shown towards us. I also thank a section of the media, which provided the real picture of the war situation. It helped our massive recruitment drive and also, boosted our morale. I thank the public for their support.